Ler 1978; de Koos 1984; van den Hout 1994b; de Roos 2007.
Содержание книги
- KBo 9.143 iii 10; KUB 35.107 iii 10. Cf. Watkins 1993: 469.
- The eategory of tutelary gods, referred to in Hittite texts by the logogram
- Stood at the head of the pantheon of Karkamis, In the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I his
- Aaiong the divine witnesses right after the war-gods and next to the chthonic Allatu
- Ite deities: Pirwa, Askasepa and the Queen (3.2.6). Maliya is summoned offen to
- Suwasuna, Wandu, Siuri, lyasalla(ssi), Wistassi, fertility deity Xmarsi, Ayanti, Walwa-
- It is not known whether the Storm-god of Hurma is identical with the local allomorph of the
- And Hurri (Tilla in the eastern tradition); 661 in the west he also had two Syrian
- Cult of Tessub and Hebat of Halab, ehief pair of the dynastic pantheon (see 3.2.2),
- According to Hurrian spells from Ugarit, Ishara was worshiped in Syria in the fol.lowi.ng main
- Mother and fate goddesses DINGIR.MAH ’ /Darawes Gulses are the main
- Popko - Taracha 1988: 88ft. 101 ff., 109; Archi 1993b; 2006: 154, 156.
- Treated as a unity (Hebat-Sarrumma, Hebat-Allanzu, Ninatta-Kulitta, Ishara-
- A god and goddess by the sacred pond in Eflatun Pmar, 28 km northwest of Fasil-
- Scribes, waterbearers, potters, smiths, brewers, other craftsmen and shepherds. 766
- To the gods of the main towns - the list of fbrty centers scattered from the estuary
- Ponds, which were scattered all over Hittite territory, were given a monumental
- Hattusili III, 1000 sheep were given to the Storm-god of Nerik on the occasion of
- KBo 22.246 iii 21’ff. (with its duplicate KUB 42.103 iv): “18 festivals of the Storm-god of Halab,
- To Arinna. On the way, he performed rituals at holy groves near the towns of Kulil-
- Houwink ten Cate 1988; Karasu 1988; Haas 1994a; 827ff.; Nakamura 1998; 2001; 2002: cf. also
- Tradition of Old Hittite incantations. As most literary genres, the Hittite royal prayers
- High priest of Tessub and Mebat in Kizznwatna dunng the reign of bis brother
- The ominous signifier and the second clause, the apodosis, the signified. This type of
- Or unsolicited omens really were messages, where the king should spend the winter,
- Ler 1978; de Koos 1984; van den Hout 1994b; de Roos 2007.
- This cannot be terribly surprising considering that the new dynasty of the Em
- Information from the preamble, more seldom the beginning of the description proper,
- Annihilation of the perpetrator of pollution. At the same time the Old Woman trans-
- By a state of impurity perceived as magical binding, is the main theme of evocation
- Beginning“ relates the struggle for power between generations of gods. First
- CTH 362, Haas 1989: 381; Onal 1994b: 8521; Pecchioii Daddi 2003; Haas 2006: 217ff.; Akdogan
- Of souls traveling the road to the netherworld are known from many arscient cul-
- One of the few universals of human behavior.”
- Other Status than the living so that they can provide - like the gods - blessings and
- Prepare a tomb for himself during his lifetime.
- Sa on the Hills of Osmankayasi and Baglarbagukayasi, 1000 Kazankaya north west of
- Nary Report,” Belleten XXX, 1-57.
- Das Quellheiligtum Eflatun Pinar,” AAJl, 85-122,
- Religion. B. Bei den Hethitern,” in: RIA 11, 333-338,
- Das Palaische, Texte , Grammatik, Lexikon . StBoT 10, Wiesbaden.
- In Egitto e nel Vicino Oriente aniico. Atti delle Giornate di Studio degli Egittologi
- Des 2. bis zur Mitte des 1 . Jahrtausends v. Chr . ” (Bonn, 20.-22 . Februar 2003). AOAT
- Atlante Storico del Vicino Oriente Antico. Fase. 4,3: Anatolia: ITmpero Hittita , Roma.
- Guistics, Frankfurt am Main — Bern — New York.
- Hethitische Texte in Transkription KBo 39. DBH 11 , Dresden.
- Der Kult von Nerik. Ein Beitrag zur hethitischen Relgionsgeschichte . Studia Pohl 4, Rome.
- Dien II, AOAT 31, Neukirchen-Vluyn.
- Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion, AfO Beiheft 13/14, 2. erweiterte Auflage, Wien.
- Mittelhethitischer Zeit (KBo XXI I - KUB IX 34 - KBo XXI 6). OBO 82, Freiburg.
V low fragments of predictions based ou symbolic dreams, which eould be called
mage dream-book, cf. KUB 43.11(+)12, Riemschneider 2004: 153f.
:
The Empire Pebiod 149
The dreams of Hattusili III and his wife Puduhepa, recalled by Hattusili in his
Apology. The directness of these Communications of Sauska to and on behalf of the
King is exceptional, confirming the protection and patronage of the goddess over his
Whole Iife. 8j9
Dreams could also be the source of solicited omens. Incubation oracles are evi-
Denced in everyday magical practices, as well as in situations of the gravest; danger
For the land, like pestilence or a threafc to the king’s life and health. 870 The best
Known testimony is a desperate plea by Mursili II to the Storm-god of Haiti to re-
veal in whatever way the reason for the plague ravaging the country: “[Or] if people
Have been dying because of some other reason, then let me either see it in a dream,
Or let it be established through an oracle, or let a man of god declare it, or, accord-
Ing to what I instructed to all the priests, they shall regularly sleep holy (in an
incubation oracle).” 8 ' 1
The ‘divine man, enthusiast’ (Hittite siuniyant-) mentioned in this text is evi-
denced only in a few broken contexts. 8 * 2 We do not know therefore how he contact-
Ed the deity and how common was the phenomenon of prophecy among the Hittites.
Neither can we ascertain whether the ‘man of god’ was a conduit for omens or for
Oracles. i n this Situation, it is best to avoid comparisons with the institutional proph
Ecy in Israel.
Magic and mythology
Magical rituale of the Empire period were rooted in Anatolian tradition but evi-
Dently inspired by Syrian and Mesopotamian magic (see 3.1.4). Even so, Anato
lian magic was more ‘earthly’ than that of Syria and Mesopotamia; it was a result-
Ant of practical experiences of ritualists. Otherwise than in Mesopotamia, magical
Writings were not perceived as a continuation of an ancient tradition and the gods
869 KUB 1.1+ (CTH 81) i 36ff., iii 4ff„ iv 8ff„ 19ff„ Otten 1981; 4f„ 6f„ 161, 241; Mouton
A: 88ff, Cf. also Mouton 2006.
Mouton 2003.
871 KUB 14.8 rev. 41’ff.; KUB 14.10+KUB 26.86 iv 14’ff. (CTH 378), translated by Singer 2002a: 60
(no. 11). Cf, also Mouton 2003: 741; 2007a: 1211
Pecehioii Daddi 1982: 300.
For the most important literature on Hittite magic in general, see n. 39S.
Hithte Anatolia
Were not considered their authors. There are no counterparts in Anatolia of the di-
Vine masters of magic, Ea and Asalluhi; Kamrusepa alone was sometimes eompared
In Luwian eircles with the Babylonian Gula, as mdicated by some spells attributed
To Kamrusepa which are literal translations of Babylonian formulas.
Li one considers the Luwian and Hurrian names of rituaiists and their origins in
Die heavily Hurrianized communities in Southern Anatolia and northern Syria, it
Comes as no surprise that so many magieal practices and mythologems were bor-
Rowed from Mesopotamia and northern Syria through the mediation of the Hurrians.
Ihe Kizzuwatna rituals in particular evidence a close cultural symbiosis between
Luwians and Hurrians in this region, ^ These rituals are distinguished by a separate
Hurrian terminology 8 ' 0 and sequences of techniques typical of this milieu. 876
As plausibly argued by Jared L. Miller, “it seems that there is ample evidence
Suggesting that at least a significant portion of the Kizzuwatnean ritual literature
At Hattusa was taken over from a previous scrihal tradition in Kizzuwatna. Per-
Haps rauch of the original composition of the ritual tradition took place not at Hat
Tusa, but in Kizzuwatna, and the material was recorded not by Hittite scribes, but
By scribes associated with the state archives of Kizzuwatna.” 877 Also the originally
Hurrian compositions of rituaiists from northern Syria, as e.g. the Allaiturah(h)i
Rituais (CTH 780), may perhaps have been translated by scribes employed at Hat
Tusa in the appropriation of the material from the Kizzuwatna archives. 879
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