Northern Anatolia both grew from the indigenous Hattian tradition. 1t is quite likely,
Содержание книги
- ArOr Archiv Orientalin, Praha
- Fesseur Rene Lebrun. Collection KUBABA, Serie Antiquite VI, Paris 2004
- Fs van Loon O.M.C. Haex - H.H. Curvers - P.M.M.G. Akkermans (eds), To the Euphrates and Be
- Kaskal kaskal, Rivista di storia, ambienti e cuitura del VIcino Oriente antico, Roma
- Syria Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archeologie, Paris
- Cording to the do ul des principle - influence their decisions with appropriate gifts,
- As a means and a way of contacting the gods and influencing their decisions. Cel-
- Inging graphic customs; hence it does not contribute to defining historical
- Later, in the ninth millennium BC, in the Taurus piedmoni and the river valleys of
- Cut by strong leveling or egalitarian proeesses, see Kuijt (ed.) 2000 for a full review of the debate.
- Ports. 1 Links with the Levant (Nahal Hemar) are also evidenced by the stone face
- Ahmar on the eastem bank of the Euphrates already on the Syrian side of the modern
- Does not lie, unfortunately, with yet another stela with sehematic facial features in
- Mellaart 1967: 1.08; cf. also Hodder — Cessford 2004: 23f.
- Uniike the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age anthropomorphic figurines which
- Meskell - Nakamura — King - Fand 2008: 144.
- Many structures discovered at Early Bronze Age sites have been interpreted as
- On long necks. The figurines are found usually in houses, also in buildings inter-
- Tion of metal objects, jewelry, weapons, and vessels made from copper, silver, and
- More is known about the beliefs of this period: the origins and names of prominent
- Ed gods of different origin: Luwian, Hittite, Hattian, and perhaps also from a local
- Anna was the main deity of the city of Kanes, 134 appearing next to Assur as
- Divine patron of the king and dynasty, and the second for a deity of Kanes, com-
- On iconographic similarities sfaould be treated with due caution.
- Century BC. 168 These were the kings who bullt the greatness of the Hittite Empire
- Northern Anatolia both grew from the indigenous Hattian tradition. 1t is quite likely,
- Most important States in central Anatolia, encompassing a considerable territory in
- Hittite heartland, e.g. Ankuwa, Tawiniva and Katapa, as well as the chief god of
- Palhuna / Storm-god of Ziplanda with Katahhi / Ulza, Uliw/pasu, Katarzasu / Su-
- God of Ziplanda, Katahhi of Ankuwa, and Teteshapi, whose main cult center was
- And the Hattians. ” In myths, Hapantali appears beside the Luwian goddess Kam-
- Period the goddess’s name was usually written with the logogram LAMMA, see 3.2.1)
- Theon. Some lists of gods mention Mm next to the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess
- Nerik; accordingly, offerir.gs are made to the Storm-god of Nerik, the Sun-goddess of the Earth,
- Century BC, the ceremonial throne Halmasuit was one of the cult objects in the temple
- Geneous, reflecting the ethnic differentiation of the population of the land of Haiti.
- Tral Anatolia dropped the male solar deity under the influence of Hattian beliefe
- Traditionai structure of the local pantheon with a nature goddess at the head to
- At the time also with the logograms NIN.URTA and URAS started being used
- An unpublished text 1320/z which mentions the Storm-god of Ziplanda (obv. 8’, IO 1 ) and Anzili
- To Hattian Katahzipuri, 298 which may suggest that the goddess, who was worshiped
- Ion and the traditions of local cults in central and northern Anatolia did not change
- With war-gods and sometimes also with the deity GAL.ZU. Finde of zoomorphic vessels
- To one text, it was where people gathered during the day and the gods at
- Ready in existence in Old Hittite times. The Hittite names, however, are unknown.
- SANGA-priests. Cf. also Popko 2001a; -328.
- The cult of specific deities. The tazzeli- priest is encountered solely in the cult of Zi-
- Tions. The gods received loaves of bread and specific parts of sacrificial animals (the
- Month were celebrated already in the Old Hittite period.
- Responsible for the Organization of the cult, observance of the cult calendar, and
However, that Hittite-Luwian deities were worshiped by the royal family and prob-
AMy also by some part of population of the Hittite heartland, especially toward the
Zuliva/Cekerek basin (see also 3.2.3).
The coming to power of the new dynasty of Kizzuwatnean origin meant funda
Mental change in the religious sphere. Its rulers worshiped their own gods as part
°f the dynastic cult, ictroducing into the Hittite state pantheon the deities vener-
Ated by the Humane from southeastern Anatolia arid northern Syria, including Meso-
Potamian and Syrian gods, These cults took root in the capital and gradually pene-
Trated into the local pantheons, especially in centers where the king used to reside
°n occasion. In other provincial towns, local deities continued to be worshiped, al-
Though there, too, the state cult had a growing impact. The Empire period also wit-
Nessed a process, stimulated by the kings’ religious policies, of transferring Luwian,
Hurro-Kizzuwatnean, Syrian and Mesopotamian cults to towns in the north and
Northeast. In the thirteenth Century BC, this process was presumably partially con
Nected with the mass resettling of the Luwian population from Western and South
Ern Anatolia into territories located in the Kizilirmak bend. 171 Kizzuwatna, the home
of t ^ le ru ^ ng dynasty of the time, played an important role in this movement.
SRnTrn; Anatolia
The Old Hittite Period
'Düring this period Hattian divinities were in the majority, both in the Hittite state
Pantheon and in the local pantheons of central and northern Anatolia. An impor
tant criterüon for attributing a given deity to a specific ethnic tradition is the lan
Guage of her cult. A rule well known and abided by in different regions and eultures
Of the ancient world was to address a deity in her own language. “ The criterion of
Cult language is even more important than the god’s name, especially in the case of
Sources from the Empire period in which foreign gods tended to be given the appel-
Lations of their Anatolian counterparts. ’ It seems that already in Old Hittite times,
Hittite-Luwian or Palaic deities occasionally received Hattian names in the Hattian
Cultural milieu (see 3.1.2 on the Hattian name/epithet of the Palaic Storm-god Zi-
Parwa and the Status of the goddess Katahzipuri in the Palaic pantheon). A deity
Could become common in a new cultural milieu where she had no counterpart and it
Was common then for her to be venerated in this new ethnic environment under her
Old name. One example from the early period is the Hattian god Hasam(m)ili wor-
Shiped in Hittite-Luwian circles, appearing also among the Kanesite deities (2.1);
The same is true of the Mesopotamian god Ea who was worshiped in Hittite Anato
Lia during the Empire period (3.2.5).
As far as a study of Old Hittite religion is concerned, the methodological prin-
Ciple is that the religious texts of the period, the cultic and the magic both, demon-
Strate no trace of any Mesopotamian or Syrian influence so heavily present in texts
from the Empire period. 1 '* One should bear this in mind when considering scholar-
Ly opinions on the Old Hittite origins of particular rituals, rites and mythological
Themes which are evidenced solely in the late texts. Many of these opinions are in
Need of verification, but it does not mean that the late sources which can document
An earlier tradition should be rejected in a reconstruction of Old Hittite beliefs and
Cults. The present chapter discusses only those elements of Hittite religion which
Are undoubtedly derived from an earlier Anatolian tradition.
Cf. Goetze 1953: 263. See now also Arehi 2004a.
Tar acha 2004b,.
A: 88, 80.
The Oed Hittite Period 37
In the Old Assyrian Colony period, Hattusa was already the Capital of one of the
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