Meskell - Nakamura — King - Fand 2008: 144.
Содержание книги
- Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
- Prof. Maciej Popko, who kindly read through an earlier draft of the manuscri.pt.
- ArOr Archiv Orientalin, Praha
- Fesseur Rene Lebrun. Collection KUBABA, Serie Antiquite VI, Paris 2004
- Fs van Loon O.M.C. Haex - H.H. Curvers - P.M.M.G. Akkermans (eds), To the Euphrates and Be
- Kaskal kaskal, Rivista di storia, ambienti e cuitura del VIcino Oriente antico, Roma
- Syria Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archeologie, Paris
- Cording to the do ul des principle - influence their decisions with appropriate gifts,
- As a means and a way of contacting the gods and influencing their decisions. Cel-
- Inging graphic customs; hence it does not contribute to defining historical
- Later, in the ninth millennium BC, in the Taurus piedmoni and the river valleys of
- Cut by strong leveling or egalitarian proeesses, see Kuijt (ed.) 2000 for a full review of the debate.
- Ports. 1 Links with the Levant (Nahal Hemar) are also evidenced by the stone face
- Ahmar on the eastem bank of the Euphrates already on the Syrian side of the modern
- Does not lie, unfortunately, with yet another stela with sehematic facial features in
- Mellaart 1967: 1.08; cf. also Hodder — Cessford 2004: 23f.
- Uniike the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age anthropomorphic figurines which
- Meskell - Nakamura — King - Fand 2008: 144.
- Many structures discovered at Early Bronze Age sites have been interpreted as
- On long necks. The figurines are found usually in houses, also in buildings inter-
- Tion of metal objects, jewelry, weapons, and vessels made from copper, silver, and
- More is known about the beliefs of this period: the origins and names of prominent
- Ed gods of different origin: Luwian, Hittite, Hattian, and perhaps also from a local
- Anna was the main deity of the city of Kanes, 134 appearing next to Assur as
- Divine patron of the king and dynasty, and the second for a deity of Kanes, com-
- On iconographic similarities sfaould be treated with due caution.
- Century BC. 168 These were the kings who bullt the greatness of the Hittite Empire
- Northern Anatolia both grew from the indigenous Hattian tradition. 1t is quite likely,
- Most important States in central Anatolia, encompassing a considerable territory in
- Hittite heartland, e.g. Ankuwa, Tawiniva and Katapa, as well as the chief god of
- Palhuna / Storm-god of Ziplanda with Katahhi / Ulza, Uliw/pasu, Katarzasu / Su-
- God of Ziplanda, Katahhi of Ankuwa, and Teteshapi, whose main cult center was
- And the Hattians. ” In myths, Hapantali appears beside the Luwian goddess Kam-
- Period the goddess’s name was usually written with the logogram LAMMA, see 3.2.1)
- Theon. Some lists of gods mention Mm next to the Storm-god and the Sun-goddess
- Nerik; accordingly, offerir.gs are made to the Storm-god of Nerik, the Sun-goddess of the Earth,
- Century BC, the ceremonial throne Halmasuit was one of the cult objects in the temple
- Geneous, reflecting the ethnic differentiation of the population of the land of Haiti.
- Tral Anatolia dropped the male solar deity under the influence of Hattian beliefe
- Traditionai structure of the local pantheon with a nature goddess at the head to
- At the time also with the logograms NIN.URTA and URAS started being used
- An unpublished text 1320/z which mentions the Storm-god of Ziplanda (obv. 8’, IO 1 ) and Anzili
- To Hattian Katahzipuri, 298 which may suggest that the goddess, who was worshiped
- Ion and the traditions of local cults in central and northern Anatolia did not change
- With war-gods and sometimes also with the deity GAL.ZU. Finde of zoomorphic vessels
- To one text, it was where people gathered during the day and the gods at
- Ready in existence in Old Hittite times. The Hittite names, however, are unknown.
- SANGA-priests. Cf. also Popko 2001a; -328.
- The cult of specific deities. The tazzeli- priest is encountered solely in the cult of Zi-
- Tions. The gods received loaves of bread and specific parts of sacrificial animals (the
72 For the chronology of Early Bronze Age Änatolia, see now Becker 2007: 93 Hg.
43.
)
Chalcolithic and Earlv Bronze Aoe
A long period of time, would differentiale and split up into three separate ethno-
linguistic entities: Hittites, Palaians and Luwians*’) changed the ethnic Situation
In the Western, Southern and central part of the peninsula, but without written sour
Ces it is impossible to say anything about the gods worshiped during this period. It
Can be assumed, however, that many of the divinities known from Cappadocian (2.1)
and Hittite (3.1 & 2) texts from the second millennium BC made up the local
pantheons of central and northern Änatolia already in the later phase of the Early
Bronze Age.
Social stratification was reflected also in a differentiated Status of the dead.
A community of ancestors stopped being worshiped by all inhabitants of the village.
The dead besame instead part of the family whose living members were required to
Officiate at their cult, The fates of the ruler and the ordinary person after death
Were different. These changes were reflected in the funerary rites and forme of
burial. Cemeteries located outside the Settlements, veritable ‘towns of the dead’ with
Social stratification occasionally reflected in their topography, appeared in Western
Änatolia as early as the Chalcolithic. They are also known from central and north
ern Änatolia starting from EB III (c. 2300/2200-2000 BC), although in these regions
The custom of burying the dead beneath house floors lasted until the beginning of
The second millennium BC. The dead therefore stopped being present among the
Living. Differences in grave goods also became more pronounced. Very wealthy
‘royal tombs’ are evidenced on the Upper Euphrates already in the final phase of
the late Chalcolithic, while in Western and central Änatolia they occur but in the
EB III period.
One of the houses from the Chalcolithic village of layer II at Hacilar was recog-
Nized as a sanctuary because of the rieh equipment composed of clay figurines and
Pottery decorated with motifs of ritual significance. A stone stela, placed in a paint-
74
Ed niche in the wall of the main room, may have been an object of cult, ’ The Inter
pretation of a find from Chalcolithic Gözlükule near Tarsus in Ciiicia poses more
Difficulties. A piece of a stone pillar (stela?) lay on the floor of one of the rooms and
next to it, was a pair of deer antlers and pottery fragments,' J
See, e.g., Stefanini 2002: 787 with n. 7, and Carruba 2003 for a review of the debate,
Mellaart i960: lOOff,; cf. Popko 1995a: 36; Sharp Joukowsky 1936: 121.
Goldman 1956; of.
Prehistoric Anatolia
An imposing ‘ceremonial’ building XXIX frora Period VII at Arslantepe-Malatya,
76
C. 3600-3500 BC, measured on the whole 20.7 by 19 m. It has a tripartite plan
With a large central room (17.6 by 7 m) resembling Mesopotatnian temples, although
its cultural context shows no links to the Southern Mesopotamian world.'' The build
Ing stood in Isolation on a raised platform, about fifty centimeters high. Two later
Temples, forming pari of a palatial complex (Building IV) from Period VIA, are dated
To the end of the late Chalcolithic. Both display very similar floor plans. Temple B,
Measuring 12 m in length, has a large extended rectangular room flanked by small
Rooms along one side. It was windowed with wooden frames still presei’ved. In the
Cella there was a niche with wall paintings in red and black, which represented
a frontal figure with a stylized triangulär human face, eyes and a rectangular body,
Seated on a bench or throne below what appears to be a canopy of branches. In front
Of the figure was a so-called fruit stand with a perforated base, which in this con
Text might be interpreted as a cult object. Moreover, an aitar was identified for the
First time with certainty in this temple/ 8
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