Колония заимствования оказавшее на язык .

1. Middle English vocabulary.

An analysis of the vocabulary in the ME period shows great instability and constant and rapid change. Many words became obsolete, and if preserved, then only in some dialects; many more aooeared in the rapidly developing language to reflect the ever – changing life of the speakers and under the influence of contacts with other nations.

Though the majority of OE suffixes are still preserved in ME. They are becoming less productive, and words formed by means of word – derivation in OE can be treated as such only etymologically.

Words formed by means of word – composition in OE, in ME are often understood as derived words.

The principal mean of enriching vocabulary in ME are not internal, but external – borrowings. Two languages in succession enriched the vocabulary of the English language of the time – the Scandinavian language and the French language, the nature of the borrowings and their amount reflecting the conditions of the contacts between the English and these languages.

 

1. New English vocabulary. (Словообразование, инверсия,способы)

The language in NE is growing very rapidly, the amount of actually existing words being impossible to estimate. Though some of the words existing in OE and ME are no longer used in NE, the amount of new words exceeds the number of obsolete ones manifold.

Both internal means and external means are used for the purpose of enriching the vocabulary, and the importance of either of them is hard to evaluate.

In addition to the three main sources — Greek, Latin and French, English speakers of the NE period borrowed freely from many other Ls. It has been estimated that even in the 17th c. the English vocabulary contained words derived from no less than fifty foreign tongues. The main contributors to the vocabulary were Italian, Dutch, Spanish, German, Portuguese and Russian. A number of words were adopted from Ls of other countries and continents, which came into con­tact with English: Persian, Chinese, Hungarian, Turkish, Malayan, Polynesian, the native Ls of India and America.

Borrowings from Germanic Ls are of special interest as English is a Germanic L too. The influence of Scandinavian in Early ME has certainly remained unsurpassed and the unique con­ditions of close L contacts were never repeated. By the 15th— 16th c. the Germanic Ls had driven far apart;

Dutch made abundant contribution to English, particularly in the 15th and 16th c, when commercial relations between England and the Netherlands were at their peak. They specialised in wool weaving and brewing, which is reflected in the Dutch loan-words: pack, scour, spool, stripe (terms of weaving); hops, tub, scum. Extensive borrowing is found in nautical terminology: bowline, buoy, cruise, deck, dock, freight, keel, skipper. The flourishing of art in the Netherlands accounts for some Dutch loan-words relating to art: easel, landscape, sketch.

The earliest Russian loan-words entered the English L as far back as the I6th c, when the English trade company (the Moskovy Company) established the first trade relations with Russia. English borrowings adopted from the 16th till the 19th c. indicate ar­ticles of trade and specific features of life in Russia, observed by the English:, beluga, intelligentsia, muzhik, rouble, samovar, troika, tsar, vodka.

The loan-words adopted after 1917 reflect the new social relations and political institutions in the USSR: bolshevik, Komsomol, Soviet. Some of the new words are translation-loans: collective farm, Five-Year-Plan, wall newspaper.

1. Etymological state (слои) Modern English. (Словопроисхождения,слоя)

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. Noun in a Modern English (Грамматич. Категория,классы)

The OE Gender, being a classifying feature (and not a grammatical categorv proper) disappeared together with other distinctive features of the noun declensions. In the 1lth and 12th c. the gender of nouns was deprived of its main formal support - the weakened and levelled endings of adjectives and adjective pronouns ceased to indicate gender. Semantically gender was

associated with the differentiation of sex and therefore the formal group­ing into genders was smoothlv and naturally superseded by a semantic division into inanimate and animate nouns, with a further subdivision of the latter into male; and females.

The category of case under­went changes. The number of cases was reduced from 4 to 2. In the strong declension the Dat. was marked with –e in the Southern dialects, though not in the North or in the Midlands. The form without the ending soon prevailed in all areas, and Nom., Ace. and Dat. fell together. Henceforth they can be called Common case, as in present-day English. Only the Gen case was kept separate from the other forms, with more, explicit formal distinctions in the singular than in the plural. In the 14th c. the ending -es of the Gen. sg had be­come almost universal, there being only several exceptions -nouns which were preferably used in the uninflected form (names of relation­ships terminating in -r-, some proper names, and some nouns in stereo­typed phrases). In the pl the Gen. case had no special marker - it was not distinguished from the Comm. case as the ending -(e)s through analogy, had extended to the Gen. either from the Com case pl or, perhaps, from the Gen. sg. The formal distinction between cases in the pl was lost, except in the nouns which did not take -(e,)s in the pl. Several nouns with a weak plural form in -en or with a vowel interchange, such as oxen or men, added the marker of the Gen. case es to these forms: oxenes, mennes. In the 17^th,18^thc. a new graphic marker of the Gen. case came into use: the apostrophe -­e. g. man's, children's: this device could he employed only in writing; in oral speech the forms remained homonymous.

 

The reduction in the number of cases was linked up with a change in the meaning and functions of the surviving forms.The Comm. case, which resulted from the fusion of three OE cases assumed all the functions of the former Nom., Acc. and Dat., and also some functions of the Gen. The ME Comm. case had a very general meaning, which was made more specific by the context: prepositions, the meaning of the verb predicate, the word order. With the help of these weans it could express various meanings formerly belonging to different cases. The main function of the Ace. case -to present the direct object was fulfilled in ME by the Comm. case; the noun was placed next to the verb, or else its relations with the predicate were apparent from the meaning of the transitive verb and the noun.

The history of the Gen. Case requires special consideration. Though it survived as a distinct form, its use became more limited: it could not be employed in the function of an object to a verb or to an adjective. In ME the Gen. case is used only attributively, to modify a noun, but even in this function it has a rival -prepositional phrases, above all the phrases with the preposition of. The other grammatical category of the noun, Number proved to be the most stable of all the nominal categories. The noun preserved the formal distinction of two numbers through all the historical periods. Increased variation in Early ME did not obliterate number distinctions. On the contrary, it showed that more uniform markers of the pl spread by analogy to different morphological classes of nouns, and thus strength­ened the formal differentiation of number. In Late ME the ending -es was the prevalent marker of nouns in the pl. In Early NE it extended to more nouns - to the new words of the growing English vocabulary and to many words, which built their plural in a different way in ME or employed -es as one of the variant endings. The pl ending -es (as well as the ending -es of the Gen. case) underwent several phonetic changes: the voicing of fricatives and the loss of unstressed vowels in final syllables. The ME pl ending -era, used as a variant marker with some nouns lost its former productivity, so that in Standard Mod E it is found only in oxen, brethern, and children.

Д-а.я. с т.зр морфологии был языком преимущественно флективного строя: ‘большая часть грамм.значений выражалась в пределах слова. Например, обстоятельственное значение сущ: nicht es – ночью (а не at night). И только Дат.п ощущается как излишне многозначный, и потому часто требовал уточнения своего значения (употр.с предлогами).

В д-а было 4 именных части речи: сущ, прил, мест и числит. – такие группы слов, которые м.б.подлежащими. Всем этим частям речи в д-а был свойственен ряд категорий: род, число и падеж.

Категория рода является лексико-грамматической: каждое сущ со всеми его формами принадлежит к какому-нибудь одному роду; категории числа и падежа являются чисто грамм.: сущ изменяется по числам и па­дежам.

Грамм.род сущ-го в ряде случаев опре­деляется его лекс.значением. К м.роду относятся слова mann 'человек’, 'мужчина', fæder 'отец', cyninз 'король'; к ж.роду— mōdor 'мать', dohtor 'дочь', cwēn 'ко­ролева'.

В большинстве случаев грамм.род сущ-го не вытекает из его лекс.значения. Так, к м.роду относятся слова fōt 'нога’, nama 'имя'; к женскому — зiefu 'дар', tunзe 'язык'; к среднему—scip 'корабль', word 'слово'. Это результат более древней классификации сущ по родам.

В некоторых случаях грамм.род сущ-го даже противоречит его лекс.значению. Например, wīf (ср.род)– жена, wīfman(м.род) – женщина (т.к.man – м.рода).

Источники категории рода произошли от категории пола, который предписывался древним мышлением живой природе или подвижным предметам. Он предписывался раз и навсегда. Постепенно расширялся круг слов с теми или иными показателями “пола”, говорящие превращали ее в категорию грамм.рода – она уже никакими метафорическими причинами не обусловлена.

При этом, когда оказывается, что грамм.род у сущ – вопрос условный, надо все равно помнить, что исторически он приписывался предмету, по этому предмету название дано раз и навсегда. Поэтому категория рода НЕ словоизменительная, а классифицирующая.

В морфологии сущ различаются 2 чи­сла— единственное и множественное.

В склонении сущ различаются 4 па­дежа: именительный, родительный, дательный и винительный.