Religion in the Tamil country

AS REVEALED IN THE SANGAM AND

POST-SANGAM LITERATURE.

 

The Tamils were traditionally noted for their belief in God. But, as was the case with several ancient peoples, they too seem to have believed, not in one God, but in several Gods, godlings and spirits with different forms of worship. The literature of the Sangam age. (Cir. 100-300) A. D. 1 reveals the existence of the most primitive forms of worship side by side with most elaborate vedic sacrifices.

1. I have accepted this date for the Shangam age based on the Gajabahu 3enguttuvan Synchronism.

The ancient Tamil country was classified into five regions – Kurinji, the hill region, Marudam. the region of the Plains, Mullai, the region of the forests, Neydal, the shore region and Palai, the region of the desert.

Murugan, Tirumal and Indiran known also as Seyon, Mayon, and Vendan respectively were the presiding deities over the Kurinji, Mullai, and Marudam Regions, and Varunan was the lord of the shore region.

The Tolkappiyam which mentions this conventional regional classification of land with their presiding deties, does not mention any separate deity for Palai, evidently because this category of land did not actually exist in the Tamil Country. Besides these, the tamils are said to have worshipped ‘Korravai’ as the goddess of valour and paid homage to their heroes by erecting ‘Nadukal’ or stones in their honour. The worship offered to these 'Virakkal’ stones of honour in memory of those who fought and fell in battle, was not just heroworship but one that was associated with the concept of the hero as God. For even people of a later gene, ration offered worship to these memorial stones erected long before their time.

Another common custom was the worship of a pole fixed to the ground in an open space in the village common which, in the opinion of some scholars, may have been the forerunner of the worship of the Linga form of Shiva. We have evidence also of their belief in spirits in another ancient institution of the ‘ArangurAvaiyam’ (the assembly of judges) who met under the shade of a tree in the ‘Urmanram’ or the village common to dispense justice, the prevailing idea being that gods or spirits resided in the trees and that in their presence no one would dare speak untruth.

The Sangam works reveal also more developed forms of religion than those indicated by the ancient forms and modes of worship noted above, showing the natural process of religious evolution from the primitive to the more refined forms But it is rather difficult to trace this evolution stage by stage as the dates of the individual compositions included in the Sangam collections cannot be determined very precisely. However it is possible to distinguish between the older and the later groups of works generally.

Among the Sangam works, the following are considered the earliest group. They comprise Narrinai, Kuruntogai, Ahananuru, Purananuru, as also the Porunar – arruppadai, Perumban-arruppadai Pattinappalai and Maduraikkanji idylls. As some of Nakkirar’s compositions are included in the Ahananuru and other early anthologies, his compositions namely Nedunalvadai and Tirumurugarruppadai may also be considered to belong to the early Sangam age. It may be noticed that the Ettuttogai and Pattuppattu collections were made on the basis, among others, of the specific literary concepts portrayed in the compositions; and it is just possible., therefore, that some late compositions came to be included in them along with older ones. However we find that in certain anthologies there is a large proportion of ancient compositions while in others there is large number of comparatively later ones.

All the works included in the conventional literary group called ‘the Eighteen group’ (Padinenkil Kanakku) appeared immediately after the Sangam works i.e., after the close of the third century A.D.

On the basis of this rough literary chronology, it is possible to indicate the state of religion in the Tamil land in the Sangam and the post Sangam age. Describing the nature of human behaviour amongst the several sections of the society. Tolkappiyar refers to the following – Aruvahaippatta Parpanappakkam’, Ivahai Marapin Arashar pakkam’, ‘Iruraunru marapin Ensrpakkam’.

From this and his other references to the sections of the community like Andanar, Arasar' Vanigar and Velajar, it would be clear that castes had already evolved in the country in the early centuries of the Christian era.

Tolkappiyar also mentions among the various forms of worship, the worship of Kodinilai, Kandali and Valli. These have been variouslv interpreted by scholars.

The celebrated commentator Nachchinarkiniyar holds that Kandazhi refers to Brahman, as he is the destroyer of all bondage (Kattu). In recent times, scholars have tried to maintain that the three together constitute the worship of the three fires (Muchchudar) viz., the Sun, Moon, and Fire. Still others would say that Kandali is just ‘Kandal’ the flower intended for the worship of Muruga suggesting that it refers to it and nothing more. ‘Puvainilai’ mentioned by Tolkappiyar is said to be the laudation or praise of a king in association with God in general and with Tirumal in particular. This would indicate the vogue of the worship of Tirumal in the Sangam age along with that of other Gods.

Tolkappiyar would consider the Kali and Paripadal as the most appropriate meters for the Ahapporul mode of literary expressions; and as the institutions of bull fight (erutaluvudal) and Krishna worship are mentioned in the Kalittogai, an acknowledged composition of that class of literature, we may infer that they were the common practice of the Tamil people in the Sangam age.

Then we find evidences for the gradual spread of Aryan concepts and modes of worship in the Tamil land.

The ‘Kadavul Vazhtu’ verses ascribed to Perundevanar for Purananuru, Ahananuru, Kuruntogai, Kalittogai etc., mentioning Murugan, Tirumal and Shiva reveal Aryan concepts; And, in the Padirruppattu anthology, we find explicit references to yagnas (Velvi).

In the Purananuru, the asceticism (Tapatha Nilai) of a brahmin is described in the following expressive words denoting the performance of elaborate yagnas ……. viz., The Brahmin has been described as having performed several sacrifices with profuse ghee offerings.

The name of the famous Pandyan King 'Pandyan Palyagashalai Mudukudumi-p-Peruvazhudi’ itself suggests the performance of Vedic sacrifices under Royal auspices.

All these would show that Aryan modes of worship and culture had come to be accepted at any rate among the higher strata of society. A poet addressing this Pandyan King 'Mudu Kudumi’ says eulogistically that his umbrella would be lowered only when the God of the three eyes (Shiva.) goes round the temple in procession.

Here is a clear reference to the existence of temples for Shiva.

In the ‘Tirumurugarruppadai’ all the deities including Vishnu and Shiva along with Indira are said to have gone to Avinangudi to plead for Brahma who had been imprisoned by Shiva. We get also descriptions of Muruga as having six faces and twelve hands. Besides these, we get the various forms of Muruga worship in that work. In the Padirruppattu, there are references to ideas from the Vedas. Puranas and the Ithihasas.

The references to Aryan concepts and modes of worship like sacrifices side by side with some of the more ancient forms in the Sangam literature taken as a whole may be said to reflect the gradual fusion of the two cultures Aryan and Tamil. As already noted, however it is not possible to indicate precisely the stages of this evolutionary process of the mingling of the two cultures.

Coming now to the Post-Sangam epoch we find the most important of the works assignable to it namely ‘Chilappadhikaram’ reflecting a further stage in religious evolution. It is well known that though the events described in it are said to have occurred in the 2nd Century A.D., the work itself was written later (about 5th century A. D. at the earliest). In it we find stories from Panchatantra and references to the Sanskrit drama ‘Bala Charita’ indicating its late date. More Important than all these, from the point of view of the development of Vaishnavism in South India, is the reference to ‘Nappinnai’ in the 17th Chapter of the epic entitled ‘Aychiyar Kuravai’. It may be noted that ‘Nappinnai’ is refered to in the hymns of the Alvars and Andal.

Students of South Indian history know that during the dark and troubled times that set in after cir. 300 A D. as a result of the Kalbhra invations, the rule of the traditional kings declined and Hinduism suffered eclipse. Even before this from the age of Ashoka himself Buddhism and Jainism seem to have spread slowly into the Tamil country. Having come from the North and settled in this region, the Jain saints had begun to learn Tamil and spread their religious ideas among the people. The Jaina Sangam is said to have been established in Madura in 475 A.D. It was in this period that Buddha temples (Viharas) flourished in Puhar and Uraiyur..

Again, it was in this period cir. 5th Century A.D. that Kochenganan strengthened his rule and built many temples for Shiva and Vishnu and Kiraikkal poyar and the Mudal-Alvars and the Shaiva Nayanmars came on the scene. It was also about the end of the 6th Century A D., that the Pallavas and the Pandyas established themselves at Ranchi and Madurai respectively and the dark age ended. Yet the religion that enjoyed royal patronage was Jainism About the beginning of the 7th Century. Appar at Kanchi and Sambandar at Madurai defeated the Jains and established Shaivism in the land.

The hymns of the Alvars also show the part played by Vaishnava saints like Periyalvar for the common cause of overcoming the heretical faiths of Buddhism and Jainism.

Thus the post-Sangam literature reveals at first the interplay of religions like Vaishnavism and Shaivism on the one hand and Buddhism and Jainism on the other and later rivalry between them.

We can easily see from the foregoing sketch certain broad trends of religious development in the south during the Shangam and the post-Shangam epochs upto the age of the Alvars. Bhagavatism in its full-fledged form with its emphasis on devotion and the worship of Vasudeva in its early phase would appear to have come into the country by about the 2nd Century A D. This is revealed in the Paripadal which refers clearly to the Vyuha doctrine implied in the worship of Vasudeva as identified with the cosmic ‘Narayana.

We have, in an earlier section referred to the later phase of Bhagavatism which developed after the identification of Vasudeva with the cow-herd Krishna, As we have no references to his exploits in early Sanskrit literature and as the first major work to mention them is the Harivamsha, assignable to about the 3rd Century A.D., we may take it that these Krishna stories should have also reached and become popular in the Tamil country in the course of the next Century. It is no wonder therefore, that these stories as also the concept of the Avatara of God implied in the Bhagavata religion found full expression in the hymns of the Alvars.

The first four or five centuries of the Christian Era in the Tamil country may be described in a sense as an age of religious toleration in which Vaishnavism and Shaivism flourished side by side with Buddhism and Jainism. It is only in the subsequent epochs that the Vaidika religions developed hostility to the Avaidika religions of Budhism and Jainism And as along as the hostility to the common enemy persisted till about the 7th Century A. D. Vaishnavism and Shaivism lived in perfect amity with each other. After the common foe had been vanquished, sectarian feelings developed within the Vaidika fold itself.

It is clear that these two religions developed on parallel lines in the Tamil land, following the same stage of development. The parallallism is striking indeed in that in both the religions the hymnst periods of the Alvars and Nayanmars reflecting what may be called the revelational phase of religion co-incided with and covered almost the same epoch between cir. 500 to 900 A. D Their philosophic phase developed not long after the codification of their respective canon which also seems to have occurred very nearly about the same time, though not exactly in the same generation. Thus the history of Vaishnavism from the earliest times upto Ramanuja in the Tamil country covers the first two phases-the revelational and the early philosophical – as represented by the Alvars; and the Acharyas from Nathamuni to Ramanuja.

The succeeding chapters will deal with the age of the Alvars and the age of the early Acharyas from Nathamuni to Ramanuja.

 

CHAPTER III

ALVARS

POYGAI-ALVAR

 

An examination of the available sources of information concerning the subject of our study is a necessary prelude to the treatment of the subject itself.

What strikes one foremost in this connection is the total absence of any historical work which can be deemed reliable for the life and times of the Vaishnava Saints.

Epigraphical evidence also being scanty, we are forced to rely on tradition, the next available source. Now all the tradition, concerning Poygai-Alvar is embodied in the Guruparamparas and later works based on them.

These works having been written long after the events described therein, the tradition they contain must be subjected to a careful scrutiny. Great difficulty is felt in tracing the origins of tradition in its several aspects which is a necessary process in the estimation of its continuity or otherwise. For, much of the value of tradition as a source of history depends on the definite nature of its origin and continuity. It is found necessary also to sift pure tradition from a considerable mass of legendary matter contained in these works. Great care is thus necessary in treating these Guruparamparas as sources for the life of Poygai-Alvar.

It is not unusual that we get some facts about our studies even from purely non-historical literary sources.

By their lyrical outpourings, the Alvars – all of them contributed largely to the richness of Tamil literature, and it is not surprising therefore that they are sometimes quoted in works on Grammar. The ‘Antadi’ verses of Poygaiyar have been used by the author of ‘Yapparungala Virutti’ to illustrate some sutras in his work. It may be that we are able to get some information about the saints from such references however, few, in general literature.

The most reliable of all the different sources is undoubtedly the work of the Alvar himself namely 'the first Tiruvantadi’ of the Nalayiram.

The earliest extant work on the hierarchy of the Shri Vaishnavas is the Guruparampara of Pinbalagiya Perumal Jiyar. Regarding Poygai-Alvar it says that he was born in the month of Ashvayuja in the Asterism ‘Shravana’ and does not give the cyclic or the Kali years. It gives us also an account of the other two of the Mudal-Alvars, together with the life of Poygai and narrates their meeting at Tirukkovalur. In fact, this is the earliest record of the meeting of the Mudal Alvars at Tirukkovalur.

The D. S. Charitam of Garudavahana follows the Guruparampara and states that he was contemporary with the other two of the Mudal-Alvars. The second ‘Sarga’ of the Kavya gives an account of all the three together. The point to note again is the contemporaneity of the Mudal-Alvars.

Later works like the Guruparampara of Brahma-Tantra – Swatantra – Jiyar and Prapannamritam of Anantarya largely follow these two and add in several ways to their accounts. Thus, besides the Nakshatra and the month of the several avataras, they give us the cyclic and the Kali years. The Prapannamritam has considerably added to the comparatively simple narrative of the meeting of the Mudal Alvars at Tirukkovilur contained in the earlier works.

Minor treatises like the ‘Peria Tirumudi Adaivu’ ‘The Sannidhi Guruparampara’, the 'Valittirunamam of Appinai’, have followed one or the other of the early works embodying tradition. The ‘Upadesharattinamalai’ of Varavara Muni, the ‘Adhikara Sangraha’ of Vedanta Deshika the Ramanuja Nurranthadi of Tiruvarangathamudanar – all together form a class of source works generally reflecting older tradition as found in the Guruparamparas.

 

The Traditional Account

Tradition has it that the Alvar was born at Kanchi, as the avatara of Vishnu’s Conch on a Saturday corresponding to the Shravana Nakshatra of the bright half moon of Ashvayuja in the year Siddharti, the year 861902 of Dvapara Yuga. He is said to have been born in a flower and spent his life in prayerful wanderings and quest of God. In the course of such wandenngs he is said to have met casually one day at Tirukkovalur the two other Alvars, Pudattar and Peyar in the narrow pial of a house. 1a They took shelter there during a stormy night when they felt that a fourth person had also come into their midst much to their discomfort, though actually no human form was visible.

This turned out to be no other than the God of the place who revealed Himself to their mind’s eye and vanished at once. The Alvars were much struck by the divine presence and were inspired to sing each a centum on the Great one. These works have come down to us as the first, second and third Tiruvantadis, which form part of the ‘Iyarpa’ collection of the Divya-Prabandham. In their subsequent wanderings they are said to have met Tirumalishai Alwar at Tiruvallikkeni whence all the four went to Mayilai, the birth place of Peyalvar and from there parted once again.

1a. For the different versions of the meeting and discussions thereon refer to the section on ‘The Contemporaneity of the Mudal-Alvars.

From the foregoing account it will be seen how we have not got anything like a lead in the matter of fixing the age of the Alvar. We need hardly mention that the manner and the date of his birth as given above are too fanciful to be true history. The Guruparamparas declare that he was born in a flower in a tank.

The name Poygai-Alvar is a tamil name of the saint, while ‘Kasarasuri’ is the Sanskrit name given in the D. S. Charita. The Sanskrit term ‘Kasara’ means a lake and the name apparently is a translation of the tamil Poygaiyar in the sense in which the authors of the Guruparampara understood it. In other words, they seem to have believed that the original tamil name of the saint should have been derived from the manner of his birth. A little reflection and a scrutiny of the names of some of the early Sangam poets would show that the name f Poygai’ need not be associated with any such fanciful origins. It was customary in those days to name poets for various reasons. For instance, ‘Kazhattalaiyar’ was the name of a poet who hailed from the place called ‘Kazhattalai’ 2 ‘Shittalai Shattanar’ was another poet so named because the scalp of his head was full of sores, ‘Shittalai’ is also considered the name of a place to which the poet might have belonged. 3 ‘'Kudalur-Kilar’ is evidently the name of a poet after the place he came from. In much the same way ‘Poygaiyar’ or ‘Poygai Alvar’ should have been derived from the place called Poygai or from the particular region called 'PoygaiNadu’. We have good reasons, therefore, to set aside the hagiologists’ account of the birth of Poygai-Alvar.

2. 'Narrinai’ – Ed. P. Narayanasami Iyer – P. 38.

3. Ibid. P. 64.

The same is true of the name ‘Putam’ and ‘Pey’.

We come across a poet ‘Napputanar’ in early Sangam literature. Without the prefix ‘Na’ the name would be ‘Pudanar’ which is not very different from Putattalvar.

Similarly, ‘Peyanar’ the name of the author of ‘Mullaippattu’ in the ‘Aingurunuru’ collection is not very different from the name ‘Peyalvar’ It is thus clear that these were names of persons which were in vogue in

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between the two and it would be better to accept a perhaps continuous tradition rather than an isolated piece of information like the detail in the inscription relating to a period far anterior to the date of inscription” 8

8. Dr. S.K. Ayyngar-Early History of Vaishnavism – P. 76.

In other words, while admitting the possibility of error on the part of the hagiologists in this particular, he would still be inclined to prefer their version to that of the inscription, on the ground that the former presumes an enquiry and investigation which the latter may not. It may be pointed out that the presumed enquiry on the part of the hagiologists could only have been of the nature of ascertaining that tradition, which should have been the basis for the inscription writer also.

The temple people who must have been the functionaries of the temple are no mean respositories of tradition, so that we see that both the inscription and the hagiologists could have relied on tradition only for their versions.

It is true that it is 12th century piece of information that is contained in the inscription. But tradition as preserved by the hagiologistsis is not by any means anterior to it. Indeed, if we understand ‘continuous traadition’ to mean that which is embodied in the Arayirappadi and the works following it, it would be even posterior. Besides, it is not easy to question the reliability of the inscriptional version. For one thing, it has been inscribed by the temple committee, a quasi Governmental body and at the Capital City, and not in an unimportant place. Secondly, it pertained to a very important and memorable religious ceremony that had to be performed on 13 days in the year 9 – a matter in which all possible care would have been taken even in respect of the minutest details.

9. S. 1.1. Vol. 3 – p. 190.

The value of the evidence contained in the inscription may therefore, be deemed greater than that of the hagiologists, though as the learned author himself observes that ‘in a matter like this there is not perhaps much to choose between the two.

The foregoing is the only inscriptional evidence so far available concerning Poygai Alvar. It does not, however, help us very far in as much as it gives only the Naksatra of his birth and no more. Surely, it is no great point to make out of it, that the Alvar must have lived centuries prior to 1126.

Light is sought to be derived from a purely literary source viz., some illustrative stanzas given by the commentator on ‘Yapparungala Virutti’ a Tamil treatise on prosody. These stanzas are quoted under the name ‘Poygai-Vakku’ and among them are found two verses of the first ‘Tiruvandadi’ (v. 51 and 69) 10 and two others which refer to a ‘Tiraiyan’ 11 and a certain ‘Terkkilli’. 11a

10. Yapparungalam – with commentary Ed. S. Bhavanandam Pillai (1916.) pages 219-20.

11. Ibid. pp. 45 and 518.

11a. Ibid. p. 138.

From this the inference is drawn that Poygai Alvar was also the author of several works other than the first ‘Tiruvandadi’. In other words, it is held that the Alvar and the author of the stanzas styled ‘Poygai-Vakku’ are one and the same. 12 With this as basis and by reason of the fact that in one of the verses a 'Tiraiyan’ is addressed by the poet himself, a contemporaneity between him and the Alvar is attempted to be established.

This ‘Tiraiyan’ is held to be no other than Tondaman Ilandirayan of Tamil literature, who held sway over Kanchi prior to the Pallava rule over that region. 13

But there are difficulties in accepting the foregoing.

One cannot be certain about all the verses named ‘Poygai-Vakku’ in the work above mentioned being the compositions of one and the same author in spite of their general and uniform designation as such. To mention only one instance where the author of the ‘Yapparungala Virutti’ himself seems to have erred, it may be pointed out that the ‘Venba’ beginning with: ‘Vanjiveliya' quoted as ‘Poygai-Vakku’ 14 and which has been accepted by many 15 has been attributed by some scholars to Auvaiyar 16. The inference, therefore, is that the author of the ‘Yapparungala-Virutti’ might have had confused notions not only about this particular verse but also about the others quoted in the work as ‘Poygai-Vakku’.

More than that, it seems very probable that the author himself intended to denote two persons of the same name ‘Poygaiyar’. Thus for instance, in his commentary on Sutra 57, he observes after having set down three illustrative Stanzas thus……… 17

12. Dr. S. K. Ayyanear, Early History of Vaishnavism page 72.

13. Ibid. pp. 68-70.

14. Yapparungalam – Ed. S. Bhavanandam Pijlai p. 350.

15. M. Raghava Iyengar – Alvargal Kalanilai p. 25.

16. R. Raghava Iyengar – Article on Auvaiyar, Sentamii, Vol. 2, pp. 229-30. See also ‘Seyyuliyal’ sutra 72 Naccinarkkiniyar Urai- Madurai Tamil Sangam Edn 1917 – p. 66.

17. Yap. Virutti Ed. S. B. Pillai – p. 220.

It is significant that out of the three stanzas he should have singled out the one beginning with ‘Ariroalar’ and named it specially ‘Poygai-Vakku^. The natural inference should be that he wanted to denote that the author of that verse was quite different from the Alvar the author of the two ‘Tiruvandadi’ verses. It is no argument to suggest that the author mentioned the one and ignored the other two because their authorship was well known. For, later in the work he quotes these very two verses of the first ‘Tiruvandadi’ under the specific name ‘Poygai-Vakku’ 18. In view of all these, it does not seem quite safe to presume that all passages named ‘Poygai-Vakku’ are by Poygai-Alvar.

18. Yapparungala Virutti – Ed. S. Bhavanandam Pillai – P. 460.

Granting for the moment that the Alvar is the author of these verses it is not easy to maintain that the reference to the ‘Tiraiyan’ in the verse beginning with ‘Aliyilaippa’ is to Tondaman Ilandirayan alone and to none other. This problem whether the reference is specifically to that person requires some examination.

The verse in which the specific reference is sought is the one quoted in the ‘Yapparungala Virutti’ as an illustrative stanza to elucidate Sutra 4. There are varying versions of this stanza 19. It may be inferred from this that it is a separate and isolated verse not yet known to belong to any definite and finished work. A guess may therefore be hazarded. This is a stanza in what is technically known as the ‘Ahapporul-Tinai" in Tamil literature.

There are other stanzas of the same kind styled ‘PoygaiVakku’ in the ‘Yapparungala Virutti' given as illustrations.

Whoever the author of these verses was, may it be that he was the author of a work in the ‘Ahapporul’ category, from which these stanzas have been taken? If it be so it is just possible that the work as a whole was lost, some separate stray verses alone having come down to posterity.

And it may be that the stanza now under discussion is one such.

19. Compare the Stanza as given in (l) Y.V. p.145. and 518. (2) Purananuru – 2nd Edn, Dr. V. S. Iyer – p.72,(3) M. Raghava Iyengar Alvargal Kalanilai p.29.

We saw how the author of the s Yap. Virutti’ names it 'Poygai-Vakkuk But the instance of the stanza ‘Vanjiveliya’ must put us on our guard against accepting it as such. It is for this reason apparently that the learned editor of the Pattuppattu has labelled this verse along with the other two beginning with ‘Vanjiveliya’ and ‘Kakkai Karidu’ merely as time-honoured Illustrations 20. Now we come to the specific problem of determining the exact reference in the address ‘Tirayavo’ in that verse.

The verse has been quoted by the author to illustrate what is termed in Tamil prosody as ‘……..

Further on, having quoted the stanza, he observes:

The sense implied in the verse would conform to what is called ‘Nadaha-Valakku’ in Tamil literature. As such ‘Tirayavo’ implies according to some a direct address by the author of the poem to the patron concerned. In other words a contemporaneity may be established under the circumstances between the author of the verse and the patron addressed. 22

20. Pattuppattu – Ed. Dr. Swaminatha Iyer – Preface to the 2nd Edition – p.26.

21. Yap Virutti – Ed. S. Bhavanandam Pillai – pp. 518-19

22. Dr. S. K. Ayyangar – Early Hist of Vaishnavism in S. Itndia. PP 68-69.

Now the question arises who is the ‘Tiraiyan’ referred to in the verse. It may be noted here that it is called a natural name (lyar-Peyar) by the author of the ‘Yap. Virutti’. The question arises because there are atleast more than one of that name known to Tamil literature. Besides Tondaman Ilandiraiyan we have another ‘Tiraiyan’ the Lord of Pavattiri. 23 Besides the natural name ‘Tiraiyan’ may apply to anyone among the descendants of the famous Tondaman Ilandiraiyan himself. The fact is that the term is a generic one meaning the 'people of the waves’ viz., the fisher folek. 24

It may, however, be admitted that this address is here meant to chieftain of the tribe. Only it is difficult to ascertain which particular chieftain it was.

Mahamahapadhyaya Dr. V. Swaminatha Iyer concludes his note on ‘Tondaman Ilandiraiyan’ in a may that precludes the possibility, at any rate in his opinion of any specific reference to him in that verse. For, he sets down tha three stanzas beginning with ‘Paduko Paduko' ‘Vanjiveliya’ and ‘Aliyilaippa’ and says that they all bespeak the glory of his descendants. 25

Pandit Raghava Iyengar is also inclined to see the reference to a certain ‘Tiraiyan’ only in the verse and none to Tondaman Ilandiraiyan in particular. 26

The editor of the ‘Narrinai’ on the other hand would see a specific reference to Tondaman Ilandiraiyan in the address ‘Tiraiyavo’ in that verse. 27 But his position can be shown to be untenable. In the first place he holds evidently on the basis of the ‘Yap Virutti that there is only one Poygaiyar in the whole range of Tamil literature. 28

For adequate reasons given above, it has been shown:

(1) That the author of the ‘Yap. Virutti’ himself is not quite sure of the identity of the several authors he mentions and

(2) That there is the possibility of more than one Poygaiyar in the history or Tamil literature. He seems to have relied on a doubtful authority for his conclusion.

23. Ahananuru;- Ed. Rajagopala Iyengar – P. 51.

24. P. T. Shrinivasa Iyengar – History of the Tamils – PP 97, 98. also K. Balasundara Naikar, article on ‘Ilandiraiyan Yar’ – Journal of S. V. Oriental Institute. Tirupati. (XV 2-1954)

25. Pattuppattu – Ed. Dr. V. S. Iyer – 2nd Edn.

Preface P. 26.

26. M. Raghava Tvengar – Alvargaj Kalanilai P.29.

27. See ‘Narrinai’ Ed. P. Narayanaswami Iyer ‘Padinar-Varalaru’ P. 7 and Ibid P- 63.

28. Ibid P. P. 64-65.

It is far safer to agree with the opinion of Doctor V. S. Iyer and Pandit M Raghava Iyengar for the following reasons.

1) ‘Tiraiyan’ is a generic name.

2) It can possibly refer to the descendents of Tondaman Ilandiraiyan.

3) Besides Tondaman Ilandiraiyan there is atleast an equally famous Tiraiyan in Tamil literature, viz. Tiraiyan of Pavattiri.

The conclusion is then borne in upon us that it is difficult to establish the contemporaneity of Poygai Alvar with Tondaman Ilandiraiyan.

If it is difficult to establish the contemporaneity of the Alvars with Ilandiraiyan on the evidence of that verse, it is much more so to establish the same with "Kochchenganan’ on the basis of ‘Kalavazi-Narpathu’, for, this presumes again that the Alvar Poygai and Poygaiyar the author of the poem are identical. For several reasons, learned opinion inclined at any rate, to doubt the identity seriously 29.

29. Among the older generation of Tamil scholars while Dr. V.S. Iyer held that they were different, the editor of ‘Narrinai’ was of opinion that they were one and the same. The latter would assert that there was only one Poygaiyar in Tamil literature. As pointed out before he seems to rely on the evidence of the ‘Yao-Virutti’ solely for this conclusion. Pandit M. Raghava Iyengar is inclined to the view that the Alvar and the author of the ‘Kalavali’ are one ("Alvargai Kalanilai – P. 28). Does he allow still for doubt when he says …….. (Ibid P. 28)

The learned editor of the ‘Kalittogai’ on the other hand is definitely of opinion that the Alvar and the author of the ‘Kalvazi’ are different persons. He gives reasons for the same. (Kalavazi Narpathu – Ed. E. V. Anantarama Iyer – Preface P. 15) Dr. S. K. Ayyangar would also reject this identity on ‘considerations of literary criticism’. Yet properly enough he does not press the point and seems to treat it still as an open question.

(Early Hist, of Vaishnavism P. P. 73-74) Pandit M. Venkatasamy Nattar declares that they were clearly different people. Sentamil Selvi – Vol. 2 P.) and so too Mr. Balarama Iyer of the Annamalai University (Preface to Manavijayam P-24).

We are not thus in a position to fix the age of Poygai Alvar definitely on any positive evidence. The literary evidence sought for is not conclusive. It will not be quite safe to assign him on the strength of that evidence to the second century A. D. – the age of the Sangam as at present conceived.

We have now to turn to the first Tiruvandadi itself for guidance. Quite unlike the works of Tirumangai Alvar it does not give any indication about contemporaries or past events, or mention the achievements of the rulers of the Alvar’s time and generation. Nevertheless, such of the internal evidence as can be gathered from the work enables us to get an idea of the author himself, his mode of life, his devotion etc. Indeed, as will be seen presently, it is a study of the Tamil Andadi literature in general and an examination of the First Tiruvandadi in particular, that will enable us to fix the age of Poygai Alvar. But here the historian must guard himself against making the literary and stylistic evidence the sole evidence for his chronological conclusions.

At this stage certain facts of the nature of internal evidence collected from the 1st Tiruvandadi by previous writers may be examined. Verse 77 of the work refers among other places to certain place called ‘Vinnagar’ wherein the God is said to be in the sitting posture. 30

30. ……….

There is another reference to ‘Vinnagar’ in the 3rd Tiruvandadi of Peyalvar 31. The author of the ‘Tamil Studies’ derived the term from ‘Vishnu-Nagar’ 32 while Dr. Hultzch believed it to be a possible derivation from Vishnu Grha’. 33 Pandit M. Raghava Ayyangar is also of the latter’s opinion. 34

Dr. S. K. Ayyangar finds no justification in grammar for the kind of coalescence brought about by the combination of the works ‘Vishnu’ ‘Nagar’ into ‘Vinnagar-’.

It would appear that he would reject the other derivation of Dr. Hultzch also. His interpretation of the term as a compound of two words ‘Vin’ and ‘Nagar’ meaning the ‘city of Heaven’ is convincing and is borne out by the contrast between ‘Vinnagaram’ the city of Heaven and ‘Mannagaram’ the city on earth implied in verse 62 of the 3rd Tiruvandadi.

Another interpretation, but not very different from the above may be given. ‘Nagar’ has been used in Tamil literature in the sense of a temple. …….. 35 This has been explained by the commentator thus: …….. 36

31……….

32. M. Shrinivasa Ayyangar-'Tamil Studies’ p. 301.

33.

34. M. Raghava Ayyangar – ‘Alvargal Kalanilai’ p. 50.

35. ‘Tirumuruharruppadai’ line 238

36. ‘Pattuppattu’ ed. Mm. Dr. V. S. Iyer – ‘Nacchinarkkiniyar Urai’ p. 48.

‘Nagar’ in the sense of a temple has been found to be used in another text also. Line 484 of the ‘Maduraikkanci’ begins thus: …… etc. The commentator explains it as …... 37

37. Ibid p. 286

In view of the above usages in the Tamil classics, ‘Vin’-‘Nagar’ may also mean the temple in Heaven. It must be admitted that this interpretation is not very different from the interpretation of the term as the city of Heaven’, since both point to the same high seat of God Vishnu viz., ‘Paramapadam’. It may be noted in passing that the derivation of the term ‘Vinnagar’ from ‘Vin’, ‘Nagar is more natural as having been brought about by the combination of the two terms long in use in Tamil literature than the other derivation suggested above. It seems unnecessary to postulate a strained process of more than one stage of transformation from the Samskrit ‘Vishnu-Griha’ to the Tamil ‘Vinnagar’.

All this discussion regarding the term and its derivation was necessary to understand aright the meaning of the term. It is clear that in the verse referred to it point to a certain place. The question arises: which is that place that has been sung? The author of the ‘Tamil Studies identifies ‘Vinnagaram’ with ‘Parameshwara Vinnagaram’ at Kanchi, and concludes on the basis of Dr. Hultzch’s opinion about the probable date of the construction of the shrine that the Alvar who sang about it must have flourished in the latter half of the 7th century A.D 38 That the above identification is groundless has been clearly shown by Dr. S. K. Ayyangar 33 and by Pandit M. Raghava Ayyangar 40. The two latter, while thus rejecting the identification of the author of the ‘Tamil Studies’, would themselves suggest different ones.

The former of them states categorically thus: “Coming to the ‘Vinnagar’ under discussion there are five of these in the Cola country in addition to ‘Parameshwara Vinnagar in Kanchi. The actual reference here is to Vaikuntha Vinnagar near Syali in the Tanjore District. 42

He does not however give any reasons for this conclusion.

The latter is of opinion that this ‘Vinnagaram should refer to one of three places of that name in the Cola Country 43. Further on he would suggest the possible identification of the place more particularly with Nandipura-Vinnagaram in the Tanjore district. The reasons given for the assertion that the town and the temple must have been built by Nandivarman-I grand-father of Simhavishnu are not quite convincing. Whoever it was that founded the Nandipura Vinnagaram shrine, there is clearly no reason to assert that it is alone the Vinnagaram referred to in the verse, there being two other places also, unless we also advance sufficient reasons to exclude them.

38. M. Shrinivasa Ayyangar ‘Tamil Studies’ p. 302.

39. ‘Early History of Vaishnavism pp. 65-66.

40. Alvargal Kalanilai’ p. 51.

41. “Early History of Vaishnavism’ p. 66.

42. ‘Early History of Vaishnavism’ P. 66.

43. M. Raghava Ayyangar-Alvargal Kalanilai’ P.51

All this trouble and mistaken identification is the result of taking ‘Vinnagaram’ to refer to a particular shrine. We saw how it simply stands for ‘Paramapadam’ the abode of Vishnu We have the authority of the great Vaishnava commentator Periy-Achchan Pillai for that interpretation. He definitely says …... and the commentary on verse 62 runs thus: ……. 45.

This text of the commentary is further explained in the ‘Arumbadam’wherein the term ……….. is said to mean ……….. the ‘Arumbadam’ adds ‘…… The term …… would refer that what is termed in Shri Vaishnava phraseology as ‘Saulabhya’, that trait of easy accessibility of God born out of His boundless grace- In other words the commentator states that while the God resides in heaven for his own high pleasure. His presence in earthly shrines is due to his benign grace and solely for the welfare of his devotees.

44. Ibid P. 51, F. N. I.

45. Commentary on verse 77 – ‘First Tiruvandadi’.

It is clear therefore, that ‘Vinnagaram’ in the verses refers simply to Heaven the abode of Vishnu 46. Indeed, ‘Paramapadam’ as the abode of Vishnu has been sung by the Alvars and included in the traditional list of 108 Vaishnava Shrines. The staunch Vaishnava Poet, Pillaipperumal Ayyangar has included it in his work the ‘Nurrettu-Tiruppadi-Andadi calling it by the name of ‘Tirunadu’ 47. Interpreted in this light ‘Arimeya Vinnagaram’ would mean the place very much resembling the city of Heaven where the God Vishnu resides. And so too the other ‘Vinnagarams’ in the Tanjore District.

46. Prativadi Bhayankaram Annangaracharya also interprests the term in those verses as ‘Paramapadam’.

He says that it would not be possible to identify ‘Vinnagaram’ with the ‘Uppiliyappa shrine because the God therein is not in the sitting posture as is described in the verses under references. He would however, add that ‘Vinnagaram’ at Kanchi (Divyaprabandha Divyartha) Dipikia-Mudal Tiruvandadi verse 77.)

47. …….

There is no point therefore in trying to determine the date of Poygai Alvar and Peyalvar on the basis of the reference to ‘Vinnagaram’ in their works.

There is yet another approach to the subject on the basis of the Tiruvandadi itself which is the only work of the Alvar in the Nalayiram collection. We saw how the andadi verses of Poygaiyar were quoted by the author of the Yap. Virutti. The fact that he has used them to illustrate a class of old time metrical composition called Arsha (Tam. ‘Aridam’) deserves to be noted. For, we cannot fail to infer from this that Poygaiyar and other writers had early come to be recognised as belonging to the older generation of poets in the Tamil land. Now, the specific question of andadi literature as such, its characteristics and the period of its vogue in the history of Tamil literature will be of interest.

Andadi as a form of metrical composition was more in vogue in Tamil literature than in Sanskrit. It is a metrical device, whereby each individual stanza of verse in a particular work is made to begin with the last word or letter-ending of its previous one so as to form a linked series of verses. It has been crisply defined in Yapparungalak-Karikai thus: ……

The sutra of Yap. Virutti on ‘Andadit-Todai’ runs thus: ………..

The author of the ‘Virutti’ gives an elaborate classification on andadi literature as such according to the different ways in which the metrical device is employed. 50

48. Yapparungalak-Karikai-sutra.

49. Yap-Virutti, Ed. S- Bhavanandam Pillai.

50. Ibid, pp. 183-187, Refer also Sentamil, Vol. V. P. 272, art by R. Raghava Iyengar.

Commenting on Sutra 239 of ‘Seyyuliyal’ Perashiriyar observes:- ……. It is evident from this that Perashiriyar refers to the Andadi verses as innovations. Besides, it is significant that he should have cited the Andadi verses of Poygaiyar and others as types of this innovation in Tamil prosody. It would appear then that Andadi as a form of literature came into vogue only lately, at any rate later than the Sangam classics.

It is generally accepted that Tolkappiyam did not notice the grammar of Andadis. That must have been so for the excellent reason that this kind of literature was nonexistant in the time of Tolkappiyanar. In fact we have only very rare and stray instances of ‘Andadi’t Todai’ in the fourth ten of ‘Padirruppattu’ and the eighth ten of ‘Aingurunuru’ in the whole range of the Sangam collections.

In the light of the foregoing we won’t be far wrong in saying that the author of the First Tiruvandadi must have flourished not exactly during the Sangam age but later when strict literary conventions were first beginning to change and newer forms like the Andadis were beginning to be composed. This, however, should not be construed to mean that he came much later in the history of Tamil literature. Far from it; the Andadi compositions of Poygaiyar and others have been cited as examples by commentators Perasiriyar and Nacchinarkiniyar. We may therefore conclude that Poygai Alvar must have lived just after the Sangam age i.e. about the 4th or 5th century, A.D.

 

CHAPTER IV