The category of connotativenes

Connatative meaning is an additional meaning

2) The category of reproducing, deals with phraseological units and clishes

My favorite book was written by famous writer.

Clishe i s the most frequent used words

3) The category og idiomaticity- -idiomatic meaning in combination with the words.

4) The category of social linguistic determination. We look for idiomatic meaning with social impact.

33- Stylistic Differentiation of the English Vocabulary

The vocabulary of the English language consists of three main layers, literary, neutral, and collegial. The classification given by I.R.Galperin reflects to a great extent the mobility of the lexical system socharacteristic of the English language at its present stage of development.
a) Literary layer maybe subdivided into common literary words, terms, poetic words, archaic words, barbarism and foreign words, neologisms. Literacy words serve to satisfy communicative demands of official, scientific, poetic messages

b) The style of informal, friendly oral communication is called colloquial. The vocabulary of colloquial style is usually lower than that of the formal or neutral styles, it is often emotionally coloured and characterised by connotations (consider the endearing connotations in the words daddy, kid or the evaluating components in trash).
Within the collegial vocabulary we distinguish: common collegial words slang jargons, professional words, dialectical words, vulgar words. Colloquial speech is characterised by the frequent use of words with a broad meaning (something close to polysemy): speakers tend to use a small group of words in quite different meanings, whereas in a formal style (official, business, scientific) every word is to be used in a specific and clear meaning. Compare the different uses of the verb get which frequently replaces in oral speech its more specific synonyms:

I got (= received) a letter today; Where did you get (= buy) those jeans?; They didn’t get (= there wasn’t) much snow last winter; I got (= caught) the ‘flu last month; Where has my pen got to (= disappeared)?; I got (= forced) him to help me with the work; I didn’t get
(= hear) you / what уou said.

c) The neutral layer can be found both in the literary and collegial vocabulary and has no stylistic coloring common literary words have a neutral character to begin, to eat, child, food, money, and prison.

Literary vocab.
Terms – are words denoting nations of special fields of knowledge. Ex: linguistics phoneme, amplitude, anode, electron pain, and antibiotic. Generally terms are used in the language of science, but with some stylistic purpose they may be used in the language of emotive prose.
Terms are monosemantic and have no conlexual meanings, but when they are used in other styles they may elase to be a term and become an ordinary word. Take a) atomic valency, reader, b) atomic age, and atomic music.
Archaic words are those which are not used now, expect special purposes thee, thy, hath (has) makert (make), whay (no).
Archaic words stand to historic words: in many cases archaic words are used to create elevated style in poetry.
Barbarisms are words, which came into the English vocabulary from other languages and have retained their spelling in pronunciation. In many cases they have English synonyms chic (stylish), bon mot (a clever saying) adieu (good buy).
Another group of barbarisms are foreign words, easy to recognize through spelling: en blena (well) voila (there you are) c`estca (that’s it) allez (come on). The stylistic function of barbarisms and foreign words is to create local coloring.
Neologism appear when there is the need to express new ideas and nations. They are produced in accordance with the existing word – building models of the English language.
These words are not registered in the vocabularies. When used in the written text they produce special stylistic effect to produce a humorous effect, to make distinct the additional meaning mefinst – mefirism, do it yourself – do – it – yourself, leave me alone – leave – me – alone way they new dressed in Grey, blue, fawn, jacketed or jersey.

Colloquial vocab.
Professions may not understand the jargons. Jargon is a recognized term for a group of words that exist in almost every language and whose aim is to preserve secrecy within one or another social group. Jargonisms are generally old words with entirely new meanings imposed on them. Exam (examination), maths (mathematics), prof (profession), a big gun (an important person), a sewing machine (machine gun), an egg (an inexperienced aviator).
Professional words are the words used in certain spheres of human activity, mining industry: picks, (parts of mining device, tool) remote (a distant drift) sea: tin – fish (submarine) sparks (radior operator).
The function of the professionalism are different to characterize the speech of a person, to make, the description more realistic and precise.

Dialectical words are such words that are connected with a certain area on region. Ex: a lass (a girl or beloved) a lad (a boy or young man) daft (unsound, silly) all of them belong to Scottish dialect and: volk (folk, zee (see) – Southern dialect. Irish: nurley – (hockey), colcen – (girl).
Vulgar words – are words market by coarseness of speech or expression they or offensive, indecent. ”. I.R.Galperindefines vulgarisms as expletives or swear-words and obscene words and expressions. Nowadays words which were labelled vulgar in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are considered such no more. In fact, at present we are faced with the reverse of the problem: there are practically no words banned from use by the modern permissive society. Such intensifies as "bloody", "damned", "cursed", "hell of", formerly deleted from literature and not allowed in conversation, are not only welcomed in both written and oral speech, but, due to constant repetition, have lost much of their emotive impact and substandard quality.

 

The Vowel Shift. The most significant phonetic change of this perlod was the Great Vowel Shift, beginning in the 15th century. It left its imprint on the entire vowel system of the MnE period. The essence of the shift was the narrowing of all ME long vowels, and diphthongization of the narrowest long ones: [i>[al] [u:>au]. The shift can be represented by the following diagram: ai -i: i: i: u: u: — au e: e ei ou o: ε: a: 1` The chronological frame of the shift remains somewhat doubtful. The wellknown English scholar Henry Sweet (1845 - 1912) and the Danish scholar O. Jespersen (1860 - 1943) thought that the shift was only completed in the 18th century and that the pronunciaytion of the 16th and 17th centuries was something intermediate between the ME and the modern pronunciation. O. Jespersen represented this view in the following manner: Spelling Chaucer’s Shakespeare’s Present-day pronunciation pronunciation pronunciation 81 abate [a’ba:t] [1bæt] [1‘beit] foul [fu:l] [foul] [faul] bite [bi:t] [beit] [bait] Investigation undertaken by Prof. H. C. Wyld led to a different result. H. C. Wyld studied all sorts of documents of the 15th and 16th century: private letters, diaries, etc., and reached the conclusion that the shift was completed by the late 16th century and that the pronunciation of Shakespeare’s time basically coincided with present-day pronounciation. The separate itams of the shift may be presented in the folowing way: a:>ei 1:>ou ε:>e:>i>i o>u: e:>i u>au e:>i: i:>ar In the 16th century the vowel [e:] from ME [ε:] differend from the vowel [i:] from ME [e:] and the words speak, beat, mean did not thyme with the words meek, meet, keen. In the late 17th century [e:] changed into [i:] and the difference between the vowels disappered.

Spelling Middle English. Modern English pronunciation 1. take [‘ta:k1] [teik] name [‘na:m1] [neim] grave [‘gra:v1] [greiv] 2. beat [bε:t] [be:t]> [bi:t] clean [klε:n [kle:n]>[kli:n] 3. meet [me:t] [mi:t] sleep [sle:p] [sli:p] keen [ke:n] [ki:n] 4. like [‘li:k1] [laik] time [‘ti:m1] [taim] rise [‘ri:z1] [raiz] 5. boat [b1:t] [bout] load [l1:d] [loud] moan [m1:n] [moun] go [g1:] [gou] 6. tool [to:l] [tu:l] moon [mo:n ] [mu:n] food [fo:d] [fu:d] do [do:] [du:] 82 house [hu:s] [haus] noun [nu:n] [naun] how [hu:] [hau] down [du:n] [daun] As will be seen, the ME long [ε: ] (from OE [æ]) or [ea] changed into long close [e:] To denote this vowel the spelling ea was introduced, this was to distinguish this sound from another vowel-the long close [e:], which according to the vowel shift changed into [i:] and was denoted by the spelling ee. However, when in the 17th century the former vowel also changed into [i: ], the difference between the two spellings lost its phonetic value (the two phonemes were merged into one), and since then the spellings ea and ee became hieroglyphic, i.e. they serve to distinguish between two words pronounced in the same way e.g. sea and see, heal and heel, meat and meet, leak and leek, etc. In a few words ME [e:], which in the vowel shift become [i:], is denoted by the spelling ie e.g. field, fiend, chief; occasionally also ei, as in deceive, seize. ME long [1] became [ou] in the vowel shift. This sound has been denoted by the spelling oa since 16 century. ME long [o:] became [u:] and is denoted by the spelling oo. All these changes show, as has alredy been stated, one general tendency: narrowing of long vowels and diphthongization of the narrowest of them. Thus, all items of the shift appear as elements of a single process affecting all ME long vowels. Among words containing long [o:], which in the vowel shift became [u:], there were some which in OE had the vowel [a:]hwa ‘who’, an ‘one’, strac ‘struk’ (past tense of strike); ME who. on strok. In these words long open [1:] changed into long close [o:], which developed into [u:] in the shift; in the words on and strok it developed further into [u:>u] It goes without saving that all these changes occurred gradually, without being noticed by the speakers. It is therefore necessary to make some additional remarks about some of them. To clarify the phonetic meaning of the change [a:>e] we must bear in mind that [a] may be both a back, a medium, and a front vowel. ME long [a;] must have been rather front and, in any case, not a back vowel. This is confirmed by several considerations. On the one hand, it mostly arose OE [a] [æ] in poen syllabesi.e. from a rather front vowel. On the other hand, its very development into [ei] in the shift [rather than into [1]] also points to it having been a front vowel. On its way from [a:] to [ei] the vowel must have passed through a number of intermediate stages, something like [a:>æ:>ε: >e> ei]. Diphthongization seems to have come at a rather late stage of development. In a similar way, the changes of [i:>ai] and of [u:> au:] must have taken place through intermediate stages approximately [i:> ii>eiæi>ai] and [u:> ou>ou>1u>au] 83 If we compare system of long vowels which exised before the shift with that which arose from the shift, we can state that there appeared no new sounds, that is, no sounds that had not existed in ME. This will be made clear by the following table: Middle English Modern English Sound Example Sound Example [ei] wey [ei] make [i:] time [i:] see However, the vowel shift is an important event in the history of the English sound system, as the distribution of long vowels was completely changed. Thus, for instance, long [i:] appears in MnE in the word see, which in ME had the vowel [e:], and it does not appearin the word time, which was pronounced with an [f:] in ME. had the voel [e:] and it does not appear in the word time, which was pronounced with an [f:] in ME The causes of the shift (as well as many other problems in the history of sound systems) have not yet been clarified. In the last few decedes various attempts have been made to approach the problem from different angles. We will cast a look at some of them. The Berlin scholars Wilhelm Horn and Martin Lehnert have treated this problem in their book Sound and Life. They aim at explainning the narrowing and diphthongization of long vowels starting from intonation conditions: they out that pronunciation of a vowel with a high tone (in emotional speech) contributes to narrwing of with its articulation, and they confirm this statement by observation of similar phonemes in Modern English speech. This approach, interesting as it is, does not seem to give an adequate explanation of all the phenonmena involved. A completely different view is found in works by scholars studying phonemics. Among these, again, there are several varieties of explanation. For example the French scholar Andre Martinet seeks the causes of the vowel shift in some phonemic events of the centures preceding it. He points out that in the OE period quantity (that is, length and shortness) of vowels were phonemic signals, that is, a long and the corresponding short vowel were different phonemes. In ME, as a result of lengthening and shortening of vowels in specified environments (cf. 319 ff.), length and shortness lost their phonemic status: a long and the corresponding short vowel became mere allo phones of one and the same phoneme. As, however, lengthening in open syllables had not affected the short [i] and short [u], short [i] and long [i:]. short [u] and long [u:] remained different phonemes, which contradicted the entire vowel system of the ME period. Hence arose the need to reinforce the length of [i:] and [u:] by additional features: their ariculation was emphasized and resulted in diphthongization. This, according to Martinet, was the start of the whole vowel shift. It is difficult to give an assessment of this theory at present, but there is no doubt that it deserves serious attention. Other variants of a phonemic explanation of the vowel shift were proposed by Bohumil Trnka, V. Y. Plotkin, and V. A. Kviatkovsky. Each of them tries to find the driving power which set the system of long vowels in motion. V. Y. Plotkin connects the shift with the loss of unstressed [1]. He notes that as a result of this loss there arose a great number of monosyllabic words which differed from each other by length shortness of the vowel alone: “A very great number of dissyllabic words become monosyllabic: in this process words having the syllabic structure tatte,tate and tat (here t stands for any consonant, and a for any vowel. - B. I) merge into one type tat ” and words having the syllabic structure tate and tat are reduced to the type tat. Under such circumstances the difference between long and short vowels was bound to acquire a phonemic relevance once again: but this contradicted the age-old tendency to discard phonemic relevance of vowel quantity. As a result of this contradiction, there came a change in the quality of long vowels, which accordingly were now distinguished from the short ones not by quantity alone. Four diphthongs resulted from this development: [ai, ei, ou, au]. This theory also deserves serious appreciation. Future development will show to what explains the causes of the vowel shift. V. A. Kviatkovsy, author of the most recent inquiry into the phonemic problems posed by the vowel shift, thinks that the main result of the shift is the rise of a new binary phonemic opposition that between monophthongs and diphthongs.