Arguments against the Independence of these Colonies

July 1, 1776

 

The Consequences involvd in the Motion now lying before You are of such Magnitude, that I tremble under the oppressive Honor of sharing in its Determination. I feel Myself unequal to the Burthen assigned Me. I believe, I had almost said, I rejoice, that the Time is approaching, when I shall be relieved from its Weight. (While the Trust remains with Me, I must discharge the Duties of it, as well as I can – and I hope I shall be the more favorably heard, as I am convincd, that I shall hold such Language, as will sacrifise my private Emolument to general Interests.) My Conduct, this Day, I expect will give the finishing Blow to my once too great, and, my Integrity considered now too diminish’d Popularity. It will be my Lott to know, that I had rather vote away the Enjoyment of that dazzling display, that pleasing Possession, than the Blood and Happiness of my Countrymen – too fortunate, amidst their Calamities, if I prove a Truth known in Heaven, that I had rather they should hate Me, than that I should hurt them. I might indeed, practise an artful, an advantageous Reserve upon this Occasion. But thinking as I do on the Subject of Debate, Silence would be guilt. I despise its Arts, I detest its Advantages. I must speak, tho I should lose my Life, tho I should lose the Affections of my Country. Happy at present, however, I shall esteem Myself, if I can so far rise to the Height of this great argument as to offer to this Honorable Assembly in a full & clear Manner, those Reasons, that have so invariably fix’d my own Opinion.

It was a Custom in a wise and virtuous State, to preface Propositions in Council, with a Prayer, that they might redound to the public Benefit. I beg Leave to imitate the laudable Example – And I do most humbly implore Almighty God, with whom dwells Wisdom itself, so to enlighten the Members of this House, that their Decision may be such as will best promote the Liberty Safety and Prosperity of these Colonies – and for Myself, that his Divine Goodness may be graciously pleased to enable Me, to speak the Precepts of Sound Policy on the important Question that now engages our Attention.

Sir, Gentlemen of very distinguished Abilities and Knowledge differ widely in their Sentiments upon the Point now agitated. They all agree, that the utmost Prudence is required in forming our Decisions, But immediately disagree in their Notion of that Prudence. Some cautiously insist, that We ought to obtain that previous Information which we are likely quickly to obtain, and to make those previous Establishments that are acknowledged to be necessary. Others strenuously assert, that tho regularly such Information & Establishment ought to precede the Measure proposed, yet, confiding in our Fortune more boldly than Caesar himself, we ought to brave the Storm in a Skiff made of Paper.

In all such Cases, where every Argument is adorn’d with an Eloquence that may please and yet mislead, it seems to me the proper method of discovering the right Path, to enquire, which of the parties is probably, the most warm’d by Passion. Other Circumstances being equal or nearly equal, that Consideration would have Influence with Me. I fear the Virtue of Americans. Resentment of the Injuries offered to their Country, may irritate them to Counsels & to Actions that may be detrimental to the Cause, they would dye to advance.

What advantages could it be claimed would follow from the adoption of this resolution? 1 It might animate the People. 2 It would Convince foreign Powers of our Strength & Unanimity & we would receive their aid in consequence thereof. As to the 1st point – it is Unnecessary. The preservation of Life, Liberty & Property is a sufficient Motive to animate the People. The General Spirit of America is animated.

As to the 2d foreign Powers will not rely on Words.

The Event of the Campaign will be the best Evidence of our strength and unanimity. This Properly the first Campaign. Who has received Intelligence that such a Proof of our Strength & daring Spirit will be agreeable to France – What must She expect from a People that begin their Empire in so high a stile, when on the Point of being invaded by the whole Power of Great Britain aided by formidable afor[?] aid – unconnected with foreign Powers – She & Spain must Perceive the immediate Danger of their Colonies lying at our Doors – Their Seat of Empire is in another World – Masserano – Intelligence from Cadiz.

It would be More respectful to act in Conformity to the Views of France. Let us Take advantage of their Pride, let us Give them Reason to believe that We confide in them –that we desire to act in Conjonction with their Policies & Interests. Let us Know how they would regard this Stranger in the States of the World. People are fond of what they have attaind in producing; they Regard it as a Child, A Cement of Affection exists between them. Let us Allow them the Glory of appearing the Vindicators of Liberty. It will please them.

It is treating them with Contempt to act otherwise. Especially after the application made to France. Which by this Time has reach’d them. Bermuda 5 May. Consider the Abilities of the persons sent. What will they think, if now so quickly afterwards without waiting for their Determination, totally slighting their Sentiments on such a prodigious issue, We haughtily pursue our own Measures?

May they not say to Us, Gentlemen, You falsely pretended to consult Us, & disrespectfully proceeded without waiting our Resolution. You must abide the Consequences. We are not ready for a Rupture; You should have negotiated till We were. We will not be hurried by your Impetuosity. We know it is our Interest to support You, But We shall be in no haste about it. Try your own Strength & Resources in which You have such Confidence. We know now You dare not look back. Reconciliation is impossible without declaring independence, now that you have reached the stage you have Yours is the most rash & at the same Time the most contemptible Senate that ever existed on Earth!

Suppose on this Event Great Britain should offer Canada to France & Florida to Spain with an Extension of the old Limits. Would not France & Spain accept them? Gentlemen say the Trade of all america is more valuable to France than Canada. I grant it; but suppose She may get both? If she is politick, & none doubts that, I averr She has the easiest Game to play for attaining both, that ever presented itself to a Nation.

When We have bound ourselves to a stern Quarrel with Great Britain by a Declaration of Independence, France has nothing to do but to hold back & intimidate Great Britain till Canada is put into her Hands, then to intimidate Us into a most disadvantageous Grant of our Trade. It is my firm Opinion these Events will take Place, & arise naturally from our declaring Independance.

As to Aid from foreign Powers: our Declaration can procure Us none during this present Campaign though made today. It is impossible.

Now let us consider, if all the Advantages expected from foreign Powers cannot be attained in a more unexceptional manner. Is there no way of giving Notice of a Nation’s Resolution, than by proclaiming it to all the World? Let Us in the most solemn Manner inform the House of Bourbon, at least France, that We wait only for her Determination to declare our Independence. We must not talk generally of foreign Powers but only of those We expect to favor Us. Let Us assure Spain that We never will give any Assistance to her Colonies. Let France become guarantee For us in arrangements of this Kind.

Besides, first we ought to Establish our governments & take the Regular Form of a State –These preventive Measures will shew Deliberation, Wisdom, Caution & Unanimity.

It is Our Interest to keep Great Britain in the Opinion that We mean Reconciliation as long as possible – …The Wealth of London &c is pour’d into the Treasury. The whole Nation is ardent against Us. We oblige her by our attitude to persevere in Her Spirit. See the last petition of London.

Suppose we shall ruin her. France must rise on her Ruins. Her Ambition. Her Religion. Our Dangers from thence. We shall weep at our We shall be Overwhelm’d with Debt. I Compute that Debt at 6 Millions of Pennsylvania Money a Year.

The War will be carried on with more Severity. The Burning of Towns, the Setting Loose of Indians on our Frontiers, has Not yet been done. Boston might have been burnt though it was not.

What Advantage is to be expected from a Declaration? 1 – The Animating of our Troops? I answer, it is unnecessary. 2 – Union of the Colonies? I answer, this is also unnecessary. It may weaken that Union, when the People find themselves engaged in a cause rendered more cruel by such a Declaration without Prospect of an End to their Calamities, by a Continuation of the War.

People are changeable. In Bitterness of Soul they may complain against our Rashness & ask why We did not apply first to foreign Powers, Why We did not settle Differences among ourselves, why we did not Take Care to secure unsettled Lands for easing their Burthens instead of leaving them to secure unsettled Lands for easing their Burthens instead of leaving them to particular Colonies, Why we did not wait till we were better prepar’d, or till We had made an Experiment of our Strength.

3 – A third advantage to be expected from a Declaration is said to be the Proof it would furnish of our Strength of Spirit. But This is possibly only the first Campaign of the war. France & Spain may be alarm’d & provoked with each other; Masserano was an insult to France. There is Not the least Evidence of her granting Us favorable Terms. Her probable Conditions The Glory of recovering Canada will be enough for her. She will get that & then dictate Terms to Us.

A PARTITION of these Colonies will take Place if Great Britain cant conquer Us. To escape from the protection we have in British rule by declaring independence would be like Destroying a House before We have got another, In Winter, with a small Family; Then asking a Neighbour to take Us in and finding He is unprepared.

4th It is claimed that The Spirit of the Colonies calls for such a Declaration. I Answer, that the spirit of the colonies is Not to be relied on. Not only Treaties with foreign powers but among Ourselves should precede this Declaration. We should know on what Grounds We are to stand with Regard to one another. We ought to settle the issues raised by the Declaration of Virginia about Colonists in their Limits. And, too, The Committee on Confederation dispute almost every Article—Some of Us totally despair of any reasonable Terms of Confederation.

We cannot look back. Men generally sell their Goods to most Advantage when they have several Chapmen. We have but two to rely on. We exclude one by this Declaration without knowing what the other will give.

Great Britain after one or more unsuccessful Campaigns may be induc’d to offer Us such a share of Commerce as would satisfy Us, to appoint Councillors during good Behaviour, to withdraw her armies, to protect our Commerce, Establish our Militias- in short to redress all the Grivances complain’d of in our first Petition. Let Us know, if We can get Terms from France that will be more beneficial than these. If we can, let Us declare Independence. If We cannot, let Us at least withold that Declaration, till We obtain Terms that are tolerable.

We have many Points of the utmost Moment to settle with France- Canada, Acadia and Cape Breton. What will content her? Barbary Pirates, Spain, Portugal? Will she demand an Exclusive Trade as a Compensation, or grant Us Protection against piratical States only for a Share of our Commerce?

When our Enemies are pressing Us so vigorously, When We are in so wretched a State of Preparation, When the Sentiments & Designs of our expected Friends are so unknown to Us, I am alarm’d at this Declaration being so vehemently presented. A worthy Gentleman told us, that people in this House have had different Views for more than a 12 month. This is Amazing after what they have so repeatedly declared in this House & private conceal their Views so dexterously, I should be glad to read a little more in the Doomsday Book of America – Not all – that like the Book of Fate might be too dreadful – I should be glad to know whether in 20 or 30 Years this Commonwealth of Colonies may not be thought too unwieldy, & Hudson’s River be a proper Boundary for a separate Commonwealth to the Northward. I have a strong Impression on my Mind that this will take Place.

(Source: J.H. Powell, The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography,

October 1941, pp. 458-481)

John Adams

THOUGHTS ON GOVERNMENT

My dear Sir,

If I was equal to the task of forming a plan for the government of a colony, I should be flattered with your request, and very happy to comply with it; because, as the divine science of politics is the science of social happiness, and the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions of government, which are generally institutions that last for many generations, there can be no employment more agreeable to a benevolent mind than a research after the best.

Pope flattered tyrants too much when he said,

"For forms of government let fools contest, That which is best administered is best."

Nothing can be more fallacious than this. But poets read history to collect flowers, not fruits; they attend to fanciful images, not the effects of social institutions. Nothing is more certain, from the history of nations and nature of man, than that some forms of government are better fitted for being well administered than others.

We ought to consider what is the end of government, before we determine which is the best form. Upon this point all speculative politicians will agree, that the happiness of society is the end of government, as all divines and moral philosophers will agree that the happiness of the individual is the end of man. From this principle it will follow, that the form of government which communicates ease, comfort, security, or, in one word, happiness, to the greatest number of persons, and in the greatest degree, is the best.

All sober inquirers after truth, ancient and modern, pagan and Christian, have declared that the happiness of man, as well as his dignity, consists in virtue. Confucius, Zoroaster, Socrates, Mahomet, not to mention authorities really sacred, have agreed in this.

If there is a form of government, then, whose principle and foundation is virtue, will not every sober man acknowledge it better calculated to promote the general happiness than any other form?

Fear is the foundation of most governments; but it is so sordid and brutal a passion, and renders men in whose breasts it predominates so stupid and miserable, that Americans will not be likely to approve of any political institution which is founded on it.

Honor is truly sacred, but holds a lower rank in the scale of moral excellence than virtue. Indeed, the former is but a part of the latter, and consequently has not equal pretensions to support a frame of government productive of human happiness. The foundation of every government is some principle or passion in the minds of the people. The noblest principles and most generous affections in our nature, then, have the fairest chance to support the noblest and most generous models of government.

A man must be indifferent to the sneers of modern Englishmen, to mention in their company the names of Sidney, Harrington, Locke, Milton, Nedham, Neville, Burnet, and Hoadly. No small fortitude is necessary to confess that one has read them. The wretched condition of this country, however, for ten or fifteen years past, has frequently reminded me of their principles and reasonings. They will convince any candid mind, that there is no good government but what is republican. That the only valuable part of the British constitution is so; because the very definition of a republic is "an empire of laws, and not of men." That, as a republic is the best of governments, so that particular arrangement of the powers of society, or, in other words, that form of government which is best contrived to secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of republics.

Of republics there is an inexhaustible variety, because the possible combinations of the powers of society are capable of innumerable variations.

As good government is an empire of laws, how shall your laws be made? In a large society, inhabiting an extensive country, it is impossible that the whole should assemble to make laws. The first necessary step, then, is to depute power from the many to a few of the most wise and good. But by what rules shall you choose your representatives? Agree upon the number and qualifications of persons who shall have the benefit of choosing, or annex this privilege to the inhabitants of a certain extent of ground.

The principle difficulty lies, and the greatest care should be employed in constituting this representative assembly. It should be in miniature an exact portrait of the people at large. It should think, feel, reason and act like them. That it may be the interest of this assembly to do strict justice at all times, it should be an equal representation, or, in other words, equal interests among the people should have equal interests in it. Great care should be taken to effect this, and to prevent unfair, partial, and corrupt elections. Such regulations, however, may be better made in times of greater tranquility than the present; and they will spring up themselves naturally, when all the powers of government come to be in the hands of the people’s friends. At present, it will be safest to proceed in all established modes, to which the people have been familiarized by habit.

A representation of the people in one assembly being obtained, a question arises, whether all the powers of government, legislative, executive, and judicial, shall be left in this body? I think a people cannot be long free, nor ever happy, whose government is in one assembly. My reasons for this opinion are as follow: –

1. A single assembly is liable to all the vices, follies, and frailties of an individual; subject to fits of humor, starts of passion, flights of enthusiasm, partialities, or prejudice, and consequently productive of hasty results and absurd judgments. And all these errors ought to be corrected and defects supplied by some controlling power.

2. A single assembly is apt to be avaricious, and in time will not scruple to exempt itself from burdens, which it will lay, without compunction, on its constituents.

3. A single assembly is apt to grow ambitious, and after a time will not hesitate to vote itself perpetual. This was one fault of the Long Parliament; but more remarkably of Holland, whose assembly first voted themselves from annual to septennial, then for life, and after a course of years, that all vacancies happening by death or otherwise, should be filled by themselves, without any application to constituents at all.

4. A representative assembly, although extremely well qualified, and absolutely necessary, as a branch of the legislative, is unfit to exercise the executive power, for want of two essential properties, secrecy and dispatch.

5. A representative assembly is still less qualified for the judicial power, because it is too numerous, too slow, and too little skilled in the laws.

6. Because a single assembly, possessed of all the powers of government, would make arbitrary laws for their own interest, execute all laws arbitrarily for their own interest, and adjudge all controversies in their own favor.

But shall the whole power of legislation rest in one assembly? Most of the foregoing reasons apply equally to prove that the legislative power ought to be more complex; to which we may add, that if the legislative power is wholly in one assembly, and the executive in another, or in a single person, these two powers will oppose and encroach upon each other, until the contest shall end in war, and the whole power, legislative and executive, be usurped by the strongest.

The judicial power, in such case, could not mediate, or hold the balance between the two contending powers, because the legislative would undermine it. And this shows the necessity, too, of giving the executive power a negative upon the legislative, otherwise this will be continually encroaching upon that.

To avoid these dangers, let a distinct assembly be constituted, as a mediator between the two extreme branches of the legislature, that which represents the people, and that which is vested with the executive power.

 

John Adams to Abigail Adams

July 3, 1776

Yesterday, the greatest question was decided, which ever was debated in America, and a greater, perhaps, never was nor will be decided among men. A resolution was passed without one dissenting colony, "that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, and as such they have, and of right ought to have, full power to make war, conclude peace, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which other States may rightfully do." You will see in a few days a Declaration setting forth the causes which have impelled us to this mighty revolution, and the reasons which will justify it in the sight of God and man. A plan of confederation will be taken up in a few days.

When I look back to the year 1761, and recollect the argument concerning writs of assistance in the superior court, which I have hitherto condidered as the commencement of this controversy between Great Britain and America, and run through the whole period, from that time to this, and recollect the series of political events, the chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness as well as greatness of this revolution. Britain has been filled with folly, and America with wisdom. At least, this is my judgment. Time must determine. It is the will of Heaven that the two countries should be sundered forever. It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still more wasting, and distresses yet more dreadful. If this is to be the case, it will have the good effect at least. It will inspire us with many virtues, which we have not, and correct many errors, follies and vices which duces refinement, in States as well as individuals. And the new governments we are assuming in every part will require a purification from our vices, and an augmentation of our virtues, or they will be no blessings. The people will have unbounded power, and the people are extremely addicted to corruption and venality, as well as the great. But I must submit all my hopes and fears to an overruling Providence, in which, unfashionable as the faith may be, I firmly believe.

Had a declaration of Independency been made seven months ago, it would have been attended with many great and glorious effects. We might, before this hour, have formed alliances with foreign States…

But, on the other hand, the delay of this declaration to this time has many great advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation, which were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well-meaning, though weak and mistaken people, have been gradually and, at last, totally extinguished. Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of independence, and to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets, by debating it in assemblies, conventions, committees of safety and inspection, in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversations, so that the whole people, in every colony of the thirteen, have now adopted it as their own act. This will cement the union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions which might have been occasioned by such a declaration six months ago.

But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward, forevermore.

You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph in that day's transaction, even although we should rue it, which I trust in God we shall not.

Thomas Paine

COMMON SENSE

February 14, 1776