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Complex reasons were responsible for the change in Hittite religion under the
Empire. In effect of Muwattalli Fs Usurpation, foliowed by another palace coup and Internal conflict from which Tuthaliya I, son of Kantuzzili, emerged vietorious, a new Dynasty originating from Kummani in Kizzuwatna seized power in the first half of 427 The Hittite terra for the prayer is arkuwar, a ‘pleading’ or ‘defense/ as in a speech made befere A court of law: cf, Laroche 1984—1965: 13ff.; Melchert 1998: 521. 428 CTH 81, Otten 1981; Otten — Kümmel 1985; van den Hout 1997: 199fr. 429 CTH 81 § 2 (i 5ff.), translated by Hoffner 2006b: 267; for a slightly different English translation, See van den Hout 1997: 199, 430 Popko 1995a: 133f.; 2003c. Collins (2007: 11Of.) suggests eonceptua! sirailarities linking the Sinai Covenant to Hittite treaties. Hittite Anatolia 82 3. the fifteenth Century BC 4 ' 11 and ruled the Hittite kingdom until its ultimate fall. As Part of their dynastic cult, Hittite kings of the Empire period worshiped the gods of the Hurrians üving in Kizzuwatna and northem Syria, including Syrian deities and gods Of Mesopotamian origin (see 3.2.5). There were therefore two pantheons in the offi- Cial Hittite religion of the Empire period - a dynastic one, comprising Hurrian and Kizzuwatnean deities worshiped by the royal family (3.2.2), and a state one, in which significant changes were stimulated by the beliefs of the royal house (3.2.1).’'’" The Most important of these changes was the incorporation of the Hurrian Storm-god Tessub, the dynasty’s patron god, as the main god of the state pantheon. Divinities of Foreign origin penetrated also into the pantheon of the Capital and local beliefs (3.2.3). State cult practice, as reflected by numerous festivals celebrated in. the capital And other towns in the presence of the king, royal couple and/or princes, referred to An earlier tradition. At the samt time, however, and to a much bigger degree than In the Old Hittite period, the state pantheon was a reflection of the rulers’ theolo- Gical policies. A new geographic concept of the pantheon was taking shape even as The center of gravity of the state moved in a southerly and southeasterly direction. In the late sixteenth Century BC, the Hittite kings lost control over the northem Territories occupied by the Kaskeans Ihr more than two hundred years; nieanwhile The Centers in the upper run of the Kizilirmak (Upper Land with the Capital Sa- muha) grew in importance, as well as those in Southern Anatolia (Lower Land) and in the southeastem region (Kizzuwatna), in lands inhabited by the Luwians cultiva- Ting their owe religious traditions (3.2.4). The deities from these centers took a promi Nent place in the Hittite state pantheon next to the old Hattian gods. Their cult was performed in Hattusa and in many towns in the province. Düring the heyday, after v The conquests of Suppiluliuma I (c. 1360-1332) and Mursili II (1331-c. 1290), The Hittite Empire spread from the Western coasts of Asia. Minor to northem Syria. The change in the state pantheon and cult did not oeeur immediately after the Advent of the new dynasty. It was not until Suppiluliuma I or rather his father Tuthaliya III (c. 1380-1360) that the state pantheon took on its final typological Shape as reflected by the lists of gods invoked to witness state treaties (3.2.1). It Taracha 2004a ihr a review of the debate; furfher 2008a. For the history of the early Empire Period, see now Carruba 2008: 83ff. with references.
Taracha 2005a. 433 For the dates of Suppiluliuma^ death and Mursiii’s aecesskm. see Taracha 2008b. The Empire Period 83 Took much longer to create a proper setting for the worship of state divinities and Occurred only in the reign of Tuthaliya IV (1237-1209) when the Great Tempie in The Lower City of Hattusa was built (3.2.6). Time was also needed for change in Hittite royal ideology. This new ideology was expressed for the first time in lists of Divine witnesses to treaties and in the royal seal iconography of the times of Tutpaliya III and Suppiluliuma I (3.2.1).
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