How do sociologists view behavior?

The majority of sociologists argue that gender-related behavior is not primarily the result of biology. They look to culture for clues. In her classic study of three primitive New Guinean peoples, anthropologist Margaret Mead (1950) demonstrated the influence of culture and socialization on gender role behavior. Among the Arapesh, Mead found that both males and females were conditioned to be cooperative, unaggressive, and empathetic. Both men and women in this tribe behaved in a way that is consistent with the more traditional concept of the female gender role. Among the Mundugumor, in contrast, both men and women were trained to be “masculine”—they were aggressive, ruthless, and unresponsive to the needs of others. In the Tchambuli tribe, the gender roles were the opposite of those found in Western society. Women were dominant, impersonal, and aggressive, and men were dependent and submissive. On the basis of this evidence, Mead concluded that human nature is sufficiently flexible to rule out biological determination of gender roles. Cross-cultural research since Mead’s landmark work has clearly supported her findings: gender roles are not fixed at birth (Janssen-Jurreit, 1982; Montagu, 1998).

Case studies have also been examined on infants whose parents intentionally treated their children as if they belonged to the opposite sex. Apparently, individuals can fairly easily be socialized into the gender of the opposite sex. What’s more, after a few years, these children resist switching back. In general, research on gender identity indicates that biological tendencies can be greatly influenced by culture and society (Schwartz, 1987; Shapiro, 1990; Ridley, 1996; Sapolsky, 1997). What can we conclude from studies about male and female behaviors? In general, researchers investigating behavioral differences between the sexes have not been able to prove that any particular behavior has a biological cause. One researcher’s findings tend to contradict another’s. Any conclusions we reach should also take into account several difficulties with the research. Many studies seek to find differences but ignore the overriding similarities between males and females. To make matters worse, researchers often fail to note the variation that exists within each sex. Some men, for example, tend to be submissive and noncompetitive, and some women are aggressive and competitive. While biological characteristics exist, they can be modified through social influences. In other words, men and women can learn to be submissive or

aggressive by mirroring the behaviors of influential role models, such as parents or siblings. Also, this is a good time to remind ourselves that human behavior is the result of multiple causes.

 

ТЕКСТ №9

Meritocracy

Conflict theorists attempt to show that popular conceptions about the relationship between schools and society are not entirely accurate. Schools and society often touch each other in complicated and unobvious ways. In a meritocracy, social status is based on ability and achievement rather than social-class background or parental status. In theory, all individuals in a

meritocracy have an equal chance to develop their abilities for the benefit of themselves and their society. A meritocracy, then, gives everyone an equal chance to succeed. It is free of barriers that prevent individuals from developing their talents.

Meritocracy is based on competition. For this reason, sport is seen as the ultimate meritocracy. Although some sports have glaring shortcomings in this regard, sport does fit very closely with the definition of competition. For sociologists, competition is a social process that occurs when rewards are given to people on the basis of how their performance compares with the performance of others doing the same task or participating in the same event (Coakley, 1998). Is America really a meritocracy? Although America claims to be a meritocracy, sociologists have identified barriers to true meritbased achievement, such as gender, race, and ethnicity. An example (greatly simplified) is how the edu cation system favors the wealthy. Schools in wealthy neighborhoods are significantly better than schools in economically disadvantaged areas. It follows, then, that students attending wealthier schools get a better education than students attending poorer schools. Furthermore, students attending poorer schools do not learn the values, manners, language, and dress of people in more affluent schools. Because the majority of students in poorer schools are members of racial and ethnic minorities, they find themselves at a disadvantage when applying for higher-level jobs that lead to higher incomes. How do minorities perform on college entrance exams? There are related barriers to achievement faced by racial and ethnic minorities. An important one of these is lower performance on college entrance examinations. African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans have lower average scores on the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) than whites. Sociologists attribute this fact, in part, to the differences in school quality noted above. And both school quality and SAT performance are related to social class. Children from upper-class and upper-middleclass families attend more affluent schools. Thesechildren also have higher SAT scores. Social class clearly affects SAT performance.

 

ТЕКСТ №10

Religious Organization

In Western societies, most people practice religion through some organizational structure. For this reason, the nature of religious organization is an important component of the sociological study of religion. Early scholars identified four basic types of religious organization: church, denomination, sect, and cult.

How do sociologists distinguish among the basic types of religious organization? To sociologists, a church is a life-encompassing religious organization to which all members of a society belong. This type of religious organization exists when religion and the state are closely intertwined. In Elizabethan England, for example, Archbishop Richard Hooker of the Church of England wrote that “there is not any man of the Church of England but the same man is also a member of the commonwealth; nor any man a member of the commonwealth which is not also of the Church of England.” As you can see, the sociological definition of church is different from the one commonly used in American society. When Americans talk about “churches,” they are actually referring to denominations. A denomination is one of several religious organizations that most members of a society accept as legitimate.

Sociologists Charles Glock and Rodney Stark are two sociologists who have studied religion and society. Their work has focused on religiosity—the types of religious attitudes and behavior people display in their everyday lives. How do people display religiosity? Glock and Stark identify five dimensions of religiosity: belief, ritual, an intellectual dimension, experience, and

consequences (Glock, 1965; Stark, 1968). Belief refers to what a person considers to be true. People may, for example, believe that Jesus is the son of God or that there is no God but Allah. A ritual is a religious practice that the members of a religion are expected to perform. A ritual may be private, such as personal prayer, or public, such as attending mass. The intellectual dimension of religiosity may involve knowledge of holy or sacred scripture or an interest in such religious aspects of human existence as evil, suffering, and death. Religious persons are expected to be knowledgeable about their faith.

 

ТЕКСТ №11

Sport Subcultures

The relationship between sport, society, and culture can also be seen in sport subcultures. A sport subculture is a group within the larger context of sport that has some of its own distinct roles, values, norms. These subcultures are organized around a sport activity and beliefs vary widely. Sociologist Michael Smith (1979) wanted to know if violence among hockey players is due to involvement in a “subculture of violence.” In this kind of subculture, violence is the expected response to a perceived challenge or insult— a jostle, a glance, a derogatory remark. Following this norm is essential in acquiring and maintaining honor, especially when challenges are associated with masculinity. Smith found that hockey players favor violence more than nonplayers. Because of the expectations of coaches and teammates, many hockey players act violently during games. In fact, players criticize teammates who aren’t violent. Kent Pearson (1981) researched subcultures involving water-related sports in Australia and New Zealand. He found major cultural differences between surfboard riders and surf lifesavers. Surfboard riders avoid formal organizations, work with loose and flexible definitions of the territory in which their sport will occur, place a heavy emphasis on physical prowess and individualism, and generally oppose the larger society. In contrast, surf lifesaving clubs are highly organized entities that stage competitions involving swimming, boating, and lifesaving. The territory for such competitions is precisely defined, and formal rules are employed.

Even in nonteam sports, subcultures emerge. Thoroughbred jockeys have developed a subculture with a strong emphasis on displaying dignity, maintaining integrity, and remaining cool. The ideal within the subculture of jockeys is a fiery animal with a cool rider. The cool jockey can wait patiently with a horse in a pocket and get through on the inside, risking the possibility that there will be no opening. Coolness is waiting far back in the pack, risking the possibility that

his horse will not “get up” in time. Coolness is sparing the whip on a front-running horse when another animal has pressed into the lead, risking the possibility that once his horse is passed he will not get started again. All these activities are taken by observers as instances of a jockey’s character. In short, moral character is coolness in risky situations (Scott, 1981:146–147).

 

ТЕКСТ №12

Conflict Theory

Some sociologists have raised disturbing questions about the effects of sport on society. These questions are best understood through the conflict perspective. Conflict theorists are interested in who has the power and how elites use power to satisfy their own interests. To conflict theorists, sport is a social institution in which the most powerful oppress, manipulate, coerce, and exploit others. Conflict theorists highlight the ways in which sport mirrors the unequal distribution of power and money in society. They also emphasize the role of sport in maintaining inequality (Leonard, 1998). While functionalists see sport as contributing to the unification of society, conflict theorists do not. While people from all major segments of a community or society may join in cheering for the same team, their union is only temporary. Basic social class divisions, in other words, will continue to exist and to affect social relationships in a community even if the local team has just won the World Series or the Super Bowl.

The contribution sport makes in forming good character is also questioned by conflict theorists. Among college athletes, studies have shown that the degree of sportsmanship apparently declines as athletes become more involved in the sports system. As sociologist Stanley Eitzen (1993a) notes, nonscholarship athletes display greater sportsmanship than those with athletic scholarships, and those who have not earned letters exhibit more sportsmanship than letter winners. Conflict theorists can point to any number of past and present scandals in both the college and professional ranks. Americans are constantly reading in the sports section of the daily newspaper about athletes, from high school to the professional level, who are taking drugs, cheating in school, or accepting illegitimate cash “gifts.” One university after another is being investigated and penalized by the National Collegiate Athletic Association. Coaches as well as players are involved in misconduct.

3. Методические рекомендации для обучающихся и преподавателей по использова­нию ФОС при проведении текущей / промежуточной аттестации

 

3. Методические рекомендации для обучающихся и преподавателей по использова­нию ФОС при проведении текущей / промежуточной аттестации

Самостоятельная работа является интеграционной составляющей в освоении дисциплины «Иностранный язык в  сфере научно-исследовательской деятельности». В материалах Фонда Оценочных Средств представлены типовые задания, предназначенные для оценивания уровня сформированности знаний, умений и навыков, предусмотренных дисциплиной, в ходе текущего контроля и промежуточной аттестации, формы, шкалы и критерии оценивания.

Раздел «2.1. Текущий контроль» включает задания по темам дисциплины, которые обучающиеся выполняют в часы, отведенные для самостоятельной работы. Задания направлены на формирование компетенций, позволяющих решать практические задачи в процессе межкультурной коммуникации на иностранном языке: развитие языковых навыков (лексических, грамматических, фонетических, орфографических) и коммуникативных умений (аудирования, чтения, говорения, письма), расширение лингвистических, специальных технических и социокультурных знаний, повышение осведомленности о возможностях иноязычной коммуникации в современном информационном пространстве.

Материалы раздела предоставляют возможность ознакомиться с видами и типами заданий / упражнений, уровнем сложности и требованием к результатам выполнения. Для эффективного усвоения лингвистического материала при подготовке к лабораторным занятиям необходимо проанализировать соответствующие разделы учебной литературы, выполнять тренировочные упражнения и практические задания, следуя указаниям и рекомендациям преподавателя, оценивать результаты и устранять недостатки во владении языком, используя технологии языкового самообразования.

Важным аспектом учебной деятельности является постоянная и активная работа с информационными образовательными ресурсами (различного вида словарями, справочниками, сайтами и т.д.), что обеспечивает увеличение объема освоенного языкового материала, включая терминологию специальности, лексику общенаучного описания и специальные языковые средства оформления когнитивной информации, и расширение специальных и фоновых знаний, способствующих успешной коммуникации.

В разделе «2.2. Промежуточная аттестация» представлена информация о процедурах оценивания результатов освоения дисциплины, содержании и направленности заданий, с которой следует ознакомиться до начала изучения дисциплины, что позволит сопоставить свой уровень владения иностранным языком с установленными требованиями, определить возможные трудности и планировать время и методы для подготовки к аттестации.