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Ler 1978; de Koos 1984; van den Hout 1994b; de Roos 2007.
V low fragments of predictions based ou symbolic dreams, which eould be called mage dream-book, cf. KUB 43.11(+)12, Riemschneider 2004: 153f. : The Empire Pebiod 149 The dreams of Hattusili III and his wife Puduhepa, recalled by Hattusili in his Apology. The directness of these Communications of Sauska to and on behalf of the King is exceptional, confirming the protection and patronage of the goddess over his Whole Iife. 8j9 Dreams could also be the source of solicited omens. Incubation oracles are evi- Denced in everyday magical practices, as well as in situations of the gravest; danger For the land, like pestilence or a threafc to the king’s life and health. 870 The best Known testimony is a desperate plea by Mursili II to the Storm-god of Haiti to re- veal in whatever way the reason for the plague ravaging the country: “[Or] if people Have been dying because of some other reason, then let me either see it in a dream, Or let it be established through an oracle, or let a man of god declare it, or, accord- Ing to what I instructed to all the priests, they shall regularly sleep holy (in an incubation oracle).” 8 ' 1 The ‘divine man, enthusiast’ (Hittite siuniyant-) mentioned in this text is evi- denced only in a few broken contexts. 8 * 2 We do not know therefore how he contact- Ed the deity and how common was the phenomenon of prophecy among the Hittites. Neither can we ascertain whether the ‘man of god’ was a conduit for omens or for Oracles. i n this Situation, it is best to avoid comparisons with the institutional proph Ecy in Israel. Magic and mythology Magical rituale of the Empire period were rooted in Anatolian tradition but evi- Dently inspired by Syrian and Mesopotamian magic (see 3.1.4). Even so, Anato lian magic was more ‘earthly’ than that of Syria and Mesopotamia; it was a result- Ant of practical experiences of ritualists. Otherwise than in Mesopotamia, magical Writings were not perceived as a continuation of an ancient tradition and the gods 869 KUB 1.1+ (CTH 81) i 36ff., iii 4ff„ iv 8ff„ 19ff„ Otten 1981; 4f„ 6f„ 161, 241; Mouton A: 88ff, Cf. also Mouton 2006. Mouton 2003. 871 KUB 14.8 rev. 41’ff.; KUB 14.10+KUB 26.86 iv 14’ff. (CTH 378), translated by Singer 2002a: 60 (no. 11). Cf, also Mouton 2003: 741; 2007a: 1211 Pecehioii Daddi 1982: 300. For the most important literature on Hittite magic in general, see n. 39S. Hithte Anatolia Were not considered their authors. There are no counterparts in Anatolia of the di- Vine masters of magic, Ea and Asalluhi; Kamrusepa alone was sometimes eompared In Luwian eircles with the Babylonian Gula, as mdicated by some spells attributed To Kamrusepa which are literal translations of Babylonian formulas. Li one considers the Luwian and Hurrian names of rituaiists and their origins in Die heavily Hurrianized communities in Southern Anatolia and northern Syria, it Comes as no surprise that so many magieal practices and mythologems were bor- Rowed from Mesopotamia and northern Syria through the mediation of the Hurrians. Ihe Kizzuwatna rituals in particular evidence a close cultural symbiosis between Luwians and Hurrians in this region, ^ These rituals are distinguished by a separate Hurrian terminology 8 ' 0 and sequences of techniques typical of this milieu. 876 As plausibly argued by Jared L. Miller, “it seems that there is ample evidence Suggesting that at least a significant portion of the Kizzuwatnean ritual literature
At Hattusa was taken over from a previous scrihal tradition in Kizzuwatna. Per- Haps rauch of the original composition of the ritual tradition took place not at Hat Tusa, but in Kizzuwatna, and the material was recorded not by Hittite scribes, but By scribes associated with the state archives of Kizzuwatna.” 877 Also the originally Hurrian compositions of rituaiists from northern Syria, as e.g. the Allaiturah(h)i Rituais (CTH 780), may perhaps have been translated by scribes employed at Hat Tusa in the appropriation of the material from the Kizzuwatna archives. 879
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