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CTH 362, Haas 1989: 381; Onal 1994b: 8521; Pecchioii Daddi 2003; Haas 2006: 217ff.; Akdogan
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- It is not known whether the Storm-god of Hurma is identical with the local allomorph of the
- And Hurri (Tilla in the eastern tradition); 661 in the west he also had two Syrian
- Cult of Tessub and Hebat of Halab, ehief pair of the dynastic pantheon (see 3.2.2),
- According to Hurrian spells from Ugarit, Ishara was worshiped in Syria in the fol.lowi.ng main
- Mother and fate goddesses DINGIR.MAH ’ /Darawes Gulses are the main
- Popko - Taracha 1988: 88ft. 101 ff., 109; Archi 1993b; 2006: 154, 156.
- Treated as a unity (Hebat-Sarrumma, Hebat-Allanzu, Ninatta-Kulitta, Ishara-
- A god and goddess by the sacred pond in Eflatun Pmar, 28 km northwest of Fasil-
- Scribes, waterbearers, potters, smiths, brewers, other craftsmen and shepherds. 766
- To the gods of the main towns - the list of fbrty centers scattered from the estuary
- Ponds, which were scattered all over Hittite territory, were given a monumental
- Hattusili III, 1000 sheep were given to the Storm-god of Nerik on the occasion of
- KBo 22.246 iii 21’ff. (with its duplicate KUB 42.103 iv): “18 festivals of the Storm-god of Halab,
- To Arinna. On the way, he performed rituals at holy groves near the towns of Kulil-
- Houwink ten Cate 1988; Karasu 1988; Haas 1994a; 827ff.; Nakamura 1998; 2001; 2002: cf. also
- Tradition of Old Hittite incantations. As most literary genres, the Hittite royal prayers
- High priest of Tessub and Mebat in Kizznwatna dunng the reign of bis brother
- The ominous signifier and the second clause, the apodosis, the signified. This type of
- Or unsolicited omens really were messages, where the king should spend the winter,
- Ler 1978; de Koos 1984; van den Hout 1994b; de Roos 2007.
- This cannot be terribly surprising considering that the new dynasty of the Em
- Information from the preamble, more seldom the beginning of the description proper,
- Annihilation of the perpetrator of pollution. At the same time the Old Woman trans-
- By a state of impurity perceived as magical binding, is the main theme of evocation
- Beginning“ relates the struggle for power between generations of gods. First
- CTH 362, Haas 1989: 381; Onal 1994b: 8521; Pecchioii Daddi 2003; Haas 2006: 217ff.; Akdogan
- Of souls traveling the road to the netherworld are known from many arscient cul-
- One of the few universals of human behavior.”
- Other Status than the living so that they can provide - like the gods - blessings and
- Prepare a tomb for himself during his lifetime.
- Sa on the Hills of Osmankayasi and Baglarbagukayasi, 1000 Kazankaya north west of
- Nary Report,” Belleten XXX, 1-57.
- Das Quellheiligtum Eflatun Pinar,” AAJl, 85-122,
- Religion. B. Bei den Hethitern,” in: RIA 11, 333-338,
- Das Palaische, Texte , Grammatik, Lexikon . StBoT 10, Wiesbaden.
- In Egitto e nel Vicino Oriente aniico. Atti delle Giornate di Studio degli Egittologi
- Des 2. bis zur Mitte des 1 . Jahrtausends v. Chr . ” (Bonn, 20.-22 . Februar 2003). AOAT
- Atlante Storico del Vicino Oriente Antico. Fase. 4,3: Anatolia: ITmpero Hittita , Roma.
- Guistics, Frankfurt am Main — Bern — New York.
- Hethitische Texte in Transkription KBo 39. DBH 11 , Dresden.
- Der Kult von Nerik. Ein Beitrag zur hethitischen Relgionsgeschichte . Studia Pohl 4, Rome.
- Dien II, AOAT 31, Neukirchen-Vluyn.
- Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion, AfO Beiheft 13/14, 2. erweiterte Auflage, Wien.
- Mittelhethitischer Zeit (KBo XXI I - KUB IX 34 - KBo XXI 6). OBO 82, Freiburg.
- What is Indo-European about Hittite Prayers?” in: M, Hutter - S. Hutter-Braunsar (eds),
- Ausstellung der Kunsthalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland , Bonn, 146-149.
- Religions grecque et romaine, Paris, 103-114.
- Anthropomorphic Figurines of Early Bronze Age Anatolia,” Areheologia 58, 7-30.
- Naler Workshop, Istanbul. 26.-27. November 2004. BYZAS 4, Istanbul, 251-276.
- Textensemble aus Hattusa. StBoT 32, Wiesbaden. : fj
Ka mm enh uber 1 964.
KUB 24.14 iv 19bfl, Kammenhuber 1964: 183: Girbal 1986: 99.
Lesignations of death and their interpretation, see van den Hout 1994a: 39fl; now also
Tpelus s paper (Gooa death, bad death. Keflections on the Hittite attitude towards death“)
At the 7th International Congress of Hittitology in Carum, 25-29 August 2008
:
■
The Empire Pbriod
159
Vowing gifts one could persuade a god into reversing iii fortime and putting off the
Moment of death; one could also avail oneself of magic, as exemplified by the Substi
Tute king rituals (3.2.9).
The term ‘(propitious) day’ (UD.(SIG ä)) refers to the moment of death that was
Perceived as a deity able to receive offerings (see 3.1.1). Death was also referred to
as ‘the day of one’s destiny’ or ‘the day of (one’s) mother.’ The latter term informs us
Of how the Hittites understood the process of dying. The underlying idea of this ex-
Pression may be that an individual’s mother who set him/her on this earth (lifting
Him/her up from the netherworld in a sense) is the one who will come at the time of
Death to take him/her once again from the power of the Sun-goddess of the Earth
948
and fetch him/her for his/her otherworldly existence in the rneadow of the blessed. '
Thus, “death is understood here as a kind of birth.” 949 In the royal funerary ritual
The Sun-goddess of the Earth is offered an effigy of the dead king as a substitute for
Him and sacrifices of food and drinks, all this probably meant to appease her and
Cause her to set the ghost of the king free (see below).
Death is a special passage because it entails a change of both state and Status.
It is a passage from the corporeal to the spiritual. At the point of death the soul
Departed from the body. The body was buried either as an inhumation or a crema-
951
Tion, the latter being the rale in the royal family under the Empire (see below).
Funerary rituals transferred the dead to the new everyday state in the other world
Where they existed in their new Status as spirits. The (ghost of the) dead person
(Hittite akkant-, GIDIM) also had a soul. The ghost’s relation to the soul “may be
Compared to that of soul and body before death, that is, the GIDIM may have been
conceived of as more ‘corporeal’ than the soul, as some immaterial but potential ly
Visible body.” 96 “
Having left the body, the soul embarked on a journey that was for it, a period of
Trial and tribulation. An incantation recited during a (funerary?) ritual for a dead
S48 For the rneadow of the netherworld in the Indo-European fcraditlon, see Puhvel 1989.
Beckman 1983: 237; cf, also van den Hout. 1994a: 42f. In many different culturea the transfer of
The ghost to the netherworld is connected with the symbolism of fertility and rebirth; see, e.g.,
Bloch — Parry (eds) 1982; A.C. Cohen 2005: 24f.
Taracha 1998b.
On the essence and significance of cremat.ion, see a commentary under 1.2, and below.
Van den Hout 19S4a; 44.
160
Hittite Anatolia
womaii describes the journey of her soul into the netherworld. 5 ' The text opposes
The meadow, which is where the soul is headed, to the evil tenawa, where “one
[does not] recognize (each other). Sisters having the same mother do [not! recog-
nize (each other). Brothers having the same father do [not] recognize (each other).
A mother does [not] recognize [her] own child. [A childj does [not] recognize fits ownj
mother. (...) From a fine table they do not eat. Front a fine trivet they do not eat. From
a fine cup they do not drink. (...) They eat bits of mud. They drink drainage
„955
waters. ' The description refers to the topos recurring in Babylonian mythology,
Which depicts the netherworld as a dark house whose inhabitants eat mud and clay. 956
In the mentioned text the road the soul takes is called the ‘great way.’ 957 Images
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